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The Uncommon Legislative Engine: A record of reform from Nigeria’s 10th Senate

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By
Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh
It is a peculiar feature of Nigerian political commentary that verifiable evidence is often sacrificed on the altar of sentiment. A recent Editorial of Leadership Sunday questioning the relevance of the 10th Senate and portraying it as a mere appendage of the executive, though expressing the legitimate anguish of citizens battling hunger and insecurity, falters when confronted with fact. Far from being the “worst in history,” the Senate under Godswill Akpabio has demonstrated a record of legislative productivity and reform unmatched since 1999. _Res Ipsa Liquitor_
Consider the arithmetic of governance. Since its inauguration in June 2023, the 10th Senate has passed more than 90 bills, about 58 of which have already received presidential assent. This is not mere legislative noise. It is measurable productivity that, when set beside its predecessors, reveals a striking pattern. At a comparable stage, the 8th Senate had passed only 32 bills, and the 9th roughly 58. By every empirical yardstick, the current Senate stands as one of the most productive in our annals. To label it the “worst in history” is to abandon fact for fiction.
In very clear terms, the architecture of national power is being re-written through bold legislative engineering. The amendment to the Nigeria Electricity Act is a cornerstone of this transformation. For the first time, states have concurrent authority to generate, transmit, and distribute electricity. What once stood as a federal monopoly has been prised open to allow innovation and competition. The implications are far-reaching. With this reform, states can harness their energy potential to power industries, light homes, and drive productivity. This is not tinkering with policy; it is the legal dismantling of one of Nigeria’s longest-standing developmental bottlenecks.
Furthermore, economic reform is also finding a firmer footing. The Nigeria Tax and the Fiscal Policy Reform Acts have begun to harmonise a previously fragmented tax system. For a country whose tax-to-GDP ratio has hovered around 10 percent, far below the continental average, these laws are vital for building fiscal strength. A nation cannot feed its citizens or fund security without a functioning treasury. To lament hunger while opposing the laws that create the means to combat it is to contradict reason. These fiscal reforms lay the groundwork for a stronger, fairer economy, capable of sustaining social programmes and reducing the state’s chronic dependence on oil revenues.
On the matter of human capital, the Student Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act and the creation of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund mark an ambitious stride towards inclusive education. The initiative has already benefited over half a million students who would otherwise have been excluded from higher learning. Admittedly, its implementation has faced teething challenges, but the spirit of the law is clear. It represents a long-term investment in Nigeria’s youth, betting that a more educated populace will, in time, erode the poverty that has long undermined stability.
Security, that most sacred contract between government and the governed, is being treated with corresponding seriousness. The Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons Act and the modernisation of the Defence Industries Corporation demonstrate an understanding that security begins with structure, not sentiment. Nigeria’s struggle against banditry and terrorism has been sustained in part by the unchecked proliferation of weapons and a reliance on foreign imports. These legislative interventions signal a strategic shift towards building domestic capacity for defence and reining in the flow of illicit arms. The journey to security reform is arduous, but it must begin somewhere, and the Senate has ensured that it begins with law.
The legislature has also ventured into politically perilous but necessary territory with its institutional reforms. The Police Professionalism and Accountability Act and the Fiscal Responsibility and Transparency Act are designed to embed transparency and oversight in the daily operations of governance. They seek to tame the excesses of power and promote accountability in law enforcement and public finance alike. Alongside these sits the Local Government Autonomy Act, a daring effort to bring power closer to the people. Though its constitutional journey is ongoing, its intention is unmistakable: to return the grassroots to the heart of governance and rebuild the foundations of federalism from below.
Without a doubt, fiscal discipline remains a recurring motif in the 10th Senate’s record. The passage of the 2025 Appropriation Act on schedule reflects a renewed commitment to budgetary order. The restoration of the January-to-December cycle has restored predictability to public finance and signalled seriousness to both investors and citizens. Concerns about implementation and oversight are valid, but they do not diminish the importance of timely passage. The Senate’s work ensures that the machinery of state does not grind to a halt in bureaucratic indecision.
Attention has also turned to social justice through legislation on the National Minimum Wage. While enforcement remains uneven across tiers of government, the intent is clear: to lift living standards and close the gap between income and dignity. Much has been made of the disparity between senators’ pay and the earnings of ordinary workers, yet such comparisons ignore constitutional structures. Lawmakers do not determine their own salaries. The Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission performs that role. The same Senate has, through the Fiscal Responsibility Act, sought to rationalise public expenditure and ensure value for every naira spent, including its own.
In a lighter but necessary correction, one must also reject the outdated notion that hardship can be measured by whether a senator’s wife and an ordinary worker’s wife shop in the same market. This lazy metaphor misreads the modern Nigerian household. Men and women alike share economic burdens and daily realities. Inflation and scarcity are democratic in their cruelty. It is through sound policy, not gendered clichés, that these challenges will be overcome.
A word too must be said about Senator Godswill Akpabio himself. Long before the Senate gavel, his name was synonymous with transformative governance. As governor of Akwa Ibom State, he redefined infrastructural ambition and social investment, turning the capital city of Uyo into a symbol of modern administration and introducing education and healthcare programmes that uplifted lives. His reputation as the “Uncommon Transformer” was not manufactured in praise but built in policy. That same drive for visible results now guides his leadership in the Senate, where he has channelled executive energy into legislative purpose.
The accusation that the Senate has become a mere department of the executive is perhaps the most laughable. Legislative independence is not defined by public quarrels but by productive engagement. The relationship between the arms of government is not meant to be adversarial theatre but a coordinated pursuit of national interest. The Electricity Act, the Defence Industries Corporation Act, and the Tax Reform Acts all emerged from this constructive collaboration. These are not signs of subservience but of strategic governance.
Let there be no misunderstanding, the hardships Nigerians face are severe and immediate. Hunger, insecurity, and joblessness remain the daily reality for millions. But no legislature anywhere can legislate hunger away overnight. What the Senate can and must do is craft the instruments of reform. These 90 laws, 58 of which have already taken effect, are the scaffolding upon which a stronger Nigeria may yet be built.
The work ahead lies in diligent execution by the executive and unwavering oversight by the legislature. The Senate has provided the legal architecture. The nation must now insist on its faithful implementation. For when laws begin to live in the lives of citizens, when they move from text to transformation, the quiet labour of the 10th Senate will be recognised for what it truly is: an uncommon legislative engine driving the nation’s long march toward renewal. _Res Ipsa Liquitor_
•Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh Special Adviser, Media/Publicity and official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate

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Court halts move to impeach Fubara *Orders CJ to tarry on panel

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A Rivers High Court sitting in Oyigbo Local Government Area has stepped into the escalating political crisis in the state, issuing an interim injunction that temporarily halts further action on the impeachment process against Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his deputy, Ngozi Nma-Odu.

In a ruling delivered in Port Harcourt, the court restrained the Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, alongside thirty-two other defendants — including the Clerk of the House and the Chief Judge of Rivers State—from taking steps aimed at advancing the impeachment process.

Specifically, the order barred the Chief Judge, Justice Simeon Chibuzor-Amadi, from receiving, forwarding, considering, or acting on any request, resolution, or impeachment-related document from the Assembly for the purpose of constituting an investigative panel, pending the determination of the matter. The injunction is to subsist for seven days.

In the two suits—marked OYHC/7/CS/2026 and OYHC/6/CS/2026—the court also granted the claimants leave to serve the interim order and other originating processes on the first to the thirty-first defendants by pasting them at the gate of the Rivers State Assembly quarters.

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The court also directed that the Chief Judge, listed as the 32nd defendant, be served through any staff of the judiciary at his chambers within the court premises.

Justice Fiberesima thereafter adjourned the matter to January 23, 2026, for hearing of the motion on notice, as the legal battle over the impeachment move shifts from the political arena to the courtroom.

On Friday, the Rivers State House of Assembly had called on the Chief Judge of the state to set up a panel to investigate the allegations of gross misconduct against Governor Fubara and his deputy.

The assembly members, who made the call through a unanimous vote, vowed to continue with the impeachment process.

The lawmakers had earlier addressed a press conference in Port Harcourt, where they accused Fubara of allegedly using blackmail.

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Addressing journalists, the deputy speaker, Dumle Maol, claimed Fubara lacked the trust needed to address the crisis rocking the oil-rich state.

They accused the governor of infringing on the 1999 Constitution, saying the parliament was left with no other choice but to apply their legislative power by impeaching him from office.

The lawmakers also claimed the governor and his deputy had resorted to intimidating the parliament.

They, however, thanked President Bola Tinubu for wading into the crisis.

The members also called on the Speaker, Martin Amaewhule, to reconvene the House.

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Their position came weeks after they initiated an impeachment process against Fubara and Odu. The lawmakers are accusing them of gross negligence, a move that has heightened political tension in the coastal state.

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Impeachment: Do your job, Rivers assembly tells CJ *Insist Fubara must go

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No amount of intervention or pleading will mitigate the case of Siminalayi Fubara at this stage regarding the determination to impeach him, members of the Rivers State House of Assembly, vowed on Friday, as they opened a new chapter in the ongoing onslaught against the state governor.

Against the backdrop of what appeared like a lull when they failed to sit on Thursday for the same purpose, the members on their return, hinged the blame to go on with the action on the alleged intransigence of Fubara to retrace his step.

For this reason, the called on the state Chief Judge to set up the panel of investigation to look into the allegations of gross misconduct levied against Fubara and his deputy, Ngozi Odu.

Conveying their decision which came in form of a unanimous vote, the assembly members, who vowed to continue with the impeachment process, stressed that no amount of intimidation, blackmail or intervention would stop them this time – the third in the impeachment approach, which was first initiated in November 2023.

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Dumle Maol, Deputy Speaker, had earlier told reporters that Fubara lacked the trust needed to address the crisis rocking the oil-rich state, accusing him of multiple infringement on the 1999 Constitution, which left the house with no other choice but to apply their legislative power.

Accusing the governor and his deputy of resorting to intimidation of the parliament, including the dropping of the name of President Bola Tinubu, they thanked the President for wading into the crisis in order to find a solution, but regrated that his efforts were stalled by the same Fubara.

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Rigging: I warned Obi that judicial option in 2023 won’t work – Datti

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If Peter Obi had mobilised Nigerians against those who rigged him out of the presidential election in 2023, his mandate given to him by the electorate would have been intact and he would have been President today.

This was the contention of Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, who ran with the former Governor of Anambra State, as vice-presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 elections, where Obi was the presidential candidate.

Datti-Ahmed, in an interview currently going viral on social media, told his hosts that anyone seeking to defeat President Bola Tinubu must not rely on the court process but resistance, using Nigerians as was done in the June 12, 1993 election saga against the military.

The outing on Nigeria Right Now, uploaded on YouTube on Thursday, quoted the politician, formerly Senator representing Kaduna Central at the National Assembly, as stating that he made this much clear to Obi, that the judiciary could not resolve the fundamental breaches of the constitution perpetrated by the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the last elections.

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Hear him: “I told Peter Obi – Supreme Court cannot give you governor and give you presidency. For God’s sake, stand up and do something. The Nigerian Constitution was clearly breached.

“The Nigerian constitution was clearly breached; section 134 2b. It couldn’t be any clearer. Now, if it was June 12 people, and you breached not just the constitution but just one punctuation in their interest, I swear to God, nobody will sleep. They will take it.

“As much as I dislike the fact that they are using the Nigerian constitution, you must give it to them; they fight for their interest. They can organise rallies and can keep it up for three decades. And you are saying, ‘Let’s go to court; let’s go to court.’

“Whoever is going to defeat Tinubu must be ready to, I will use the word, ‘red eye’. You must show your red eyes because on that day that they are declaring the results, the people declaring fake results are criminals, and those who are stopping the declaration of fake results are good citizens. Whoever is going to defeat Tinubu must show red eyes… there’s no going to court.”

In the 2003 Anambra governorship election, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) declared Chris Ngige of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) the winner, but Obi, candidate of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), challenged the result and was later affirmed governor by the court of appeal in March 2006.

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Similarly, in 2023, Obi challenged Tinubu’s victory, the APC presidential candidate, but his appeal was dismissed up to the supreme court level.

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