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Presidency: The Peter Obi question, the choice Nigeria must make!
By Sunny Igboanugo
To boot, if Obi tells you that if any agreement binds him to quitting office after just one term he would keep to that pact, be sure that he would recant. Why? Peter Obi is neither your everyday politician to whom words are meant to be played with. Not only are his words his bond, making him wear integrity like a second skin.
Let me explain. If there is any sin Peter Obi ever committed against me and many others in Anambra, it was his decision to implant the idea of power sharing through zoning in Anambra State.
Unlike many other states where the division along zonal lines is so sharp, strong and pungent, Anambra’s case was different. If it ever existed, it was ensconced in the bellies of only a few people, most of them politicians. The ordinary Anambra man paid scant regard otherwise.
Samplers: Nnamdi Azikiwe was from Onitsha, in today’s Anambra North. But nobody ever noticed that fact. The man from Anambra South or Central saw him from the same prism as those from his senatorial zone. Zik was Zik – a public property – owned by the people – in fact owned by the entire Igbo, if not Nigeria.
Ojukwu was never put in the straightjacket of such sub-zonal structure. Yes, he was from Nnewi. But to many people from Anambra, Nnewi could have been any other town including theirs. The Ikemba was loved and sometimes hated, not because he came from Anambra South, but because of who he was – simpliciter!
It was the same with Chuba Okadigbo, Mbazuluike Amaechi, Chukwuemeka Ezeife and other great sons and daughters of the state. Anambra was simply Anambra. They collectively owned their icons together, celebrated them or damned them together, not because of where they came from, but who they were and what they represented.
Even though created by law and adhered to in terms of other elections, it was never a major issue of division in the state. Every governor of the state was chosen on prevailing sentiments of the time and not on zonal considerations.
Political pressure must have imbued Obi to bow to the new sentiment of power sharing along zonal lines, an intrusion that upset the applecart and unsettled that monolithic Anambra political structure.
Obi was said to have insisted on that prior to leaving office. The outcome of that focus on power shift led to the choice of Willie Obiano from Anambra North as his successor. Today the disaster of that outcome can only be measured by the further mess Charles Chukwuma Soludo, from Anambra South, has been making of his job functions in the state since succeeding Obiano.
I have since learnt that Obi took that path purely to define the space, remove conjectures and introduce a sharp and decisive political atmosphere, where justice, equity and fair-play would subsist and where nobody would either feel cheated or grumble about being left out.
Even at that, a part of me still finds it difficult to forgive him, since I still hug the old order of a monolithic Anambra, even though I have come to terms and learnt how to live with the new reality, over time.
However, it seems by sheer providence that decision some 10 or more years ago, could come handy today. Anyone wondering how would leave office after four years, could be pointed to how as former governor, he insisted on abiding by the same principle of zoning at that time. See?
On Sunday night during a live X Space conversation with his supporters, he had told his audience: “If there is any form of agreement that will restrict me to four years in office, I will comply with the agreement and be ready to leave office on the 28th of May, 2031—not the 29th, but the 28th.”
Now, regardless that this comment, which has gone viral in the media, with the deafening din reverberating everywhere, was not prompted by Obi himself just out of the blues, but a response to a question put to him by one of the participants, it has become a major topic in the polity.
Many naysayers, including the media have either advertently or inadvertently paid more heed to the response than what prompted it. The interpretation seems to be that it was made out some sort of desperation rather than an attempt to mitigate the fears and misconceptions. They simply ignore the context.
The camp of President Bola Tinubu and goons of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have since latched on it, mounted the rostrum to trumpet a counter narrative. You hear words like Obi is now desperate. How could anyone fix Nigeria in four years? Was he able to fix Anambra in eight years? He spent eight years in Anambra with nothing to show for it. How can you trust a politician to leave power after four years, when he has the opportunity of doing eight?
Well, I have just cited one of the examples of Obi’s grip to the idea of equity, justice and fair-play, regardless the cost. Others, he has addressed himself directly or indirectly.
For instance, when people accuse him of desperation, he has a ready and consistent answer – I’m not desperate to be President, I’m desperate to fix Nigeria. What could be more pointed. For those asking how he fixed Anambra, it is also a case of res ipsa loquitur – the facts speak for themselves.
In 2014, Obi was invited mounted the podium before a global audience to speak on how he achieved more than 90 per cent of the provisions of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) initiative. He had emerged first position among the 36 governors in the country in the delivery of that mandate.
For emphasis, among about eight key areas the MDGs focused, was eradicating extreme poverty and hunger, one of the major crises facing Nigeria today, especially since Tinubu took over power on May 29, 2023 and decided to plunge the country into untold hardship, with his impulsive, reckless, brainwave policies.
He has also not shied away from prompt and direct response on how to fix Nigeria – first, stop the bleeding and stabilise the patient. Indeed, if in two years, as he promised last Sunday, he was able to end the massive theft of Nigerian crude in the Niger Delta alone, think of what that feat could lead to.
It means ramping up production and ploughing back the revenues therefrom into the national till. Indeed, if the magnitude of stealing is as high as many project, it means more than 100 per cent of the revenue that hitherto went into private pockets would be recovered.
Picture what it means when Nigeria is able to double its current oil revenue by just plugging the holes to the massive pillaging. Think of what it is capable of achieving. A fraction of it might be all that would be required to create the magic Obi has been trumpeting about the North. He has not failed to tell anyone who cares to listen that the new Nigerian wealth and prosperity would come from the North, given the massive arable land in the region.
Imagine just 10 per cent of the land in Niger alone transformed into an agricultural hub, not to talk about the entire North on full scale, producing food and processing raw materials therefrom for local consumption and export. I believe him when he says that these things are not rocket-science, but simple things that only a focused and caring government could achieve.
An Obi that took education from the state of nadir to the number one in the country, where it sat long after he left will be capable of ridding the streets of children and youths recruited as feed-mill for banditry, terrorism and all other manner of crimes. He will be capable of transforming a gigantic illiterate society to massively educated society is the vortex of economic and social development.
In all, a governor, who resisted all temptations and pressures to leave a whopping N75billion in bank accounts for his successor when his colleagues and counterparts were pocketing the same or even far higher amounts, is a man to be trusted with the commonwealth of Nigeria, not only to warehouse it, but apply it in the right places and at the right time.
Such man can be trusted to create and enthrone a tamper-free electoral system that would enable the people elect their leaders freely without official interference. Of course, once Nigerians are able to eradicate the grab, snatch and run with it, electoral model and capable of choosing their leaders in free and fair elections, more than half of their problems would be solved.
A governor who, in today’s Nigeria, where greed and avarice struggle for small space, could turn his eyes away from N75billion sitting in the bank and which he could easily pocket, is not only unique but a man of his words. So, when he tells you that he would do one term, trust him, he will.
Instead of sitting tight and plunging Nigeria into a fresh wave of crises, which could consume him ultimately like former President Goodluck Jonathan, he is more likely after stabilising the country, cleaning the Augean Stables and redirecting the polity, help in enthroning a successor of like mind that would continue where he stopped?
Now, here are other scenarios, which makes the one-term tenure the most attractive. One is for Obi to run with Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President and wait for 2031 to start his own process, meaning that the former VP himself would once again usurp the South.
Would that option work? Can Nigerians afford the pain of waiting? Would Nigerians invest their trust on Atiku using the scale of integrity measurement compared to Obi? Again, would Atiku fix Nigeria and redirect it the way Obi would?
Not a few people see the Atiku-Obi ticket as not only dead on arrival, but a sure way of handing Tinubu a second term on a platter. The question then is, would Nigerians prefer another four years of Tinubu and endure or risk the dangers of the galloping drive to perdition such as Nigeria is witnessing today?
In other words, are they willing to allow Tinubu crash Nigeria finally in the next four years? If they survive that crash, what will remain of you and of Nigeria thereafter? These are the abiding questions. If no, the quick answer lies in the Peter Obi presidency – even if for just four years!
My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!
No candidate was imposed neither was any member barred from participating in the process, the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), said on Thursday, which defending the integrity of the exercise, which ended on May 29.
In a statement by Ikenna Enekweizu, National Secretary, party said that all aspirants were given a fair opportunity to participate in the democratic process, adding that the selection process was driven by consultation, consensus-building, and stakeholder engagement through established leadership structures across the country.
Stressing that its National Secretariat was never involved in the business of picking, choosing, or imposing candidates on any constituency or state, contrary to allegations that have emerged following the conclusion of the primaries, the statement added: “At no time has the NDC National Secretariat been involved in the business of picking, choosing, or imposing candidates on any constituency or state.
“Aspirants seeking elective positions were directed to engage with caucus leaders, stakeholders, and grassroots members in their respective states, who were responsible for consultations and recommendations based on local political realities. In the South-East geopolitical zone, our presidential candidate, Peter Obi, joined the party with an existing network of respected political leaders and elder statesmen who currently serve as caucus heads across the region.
“These include former governors and senior political figures such as Sam Egwu, Okwesilieze Nwodo, and Achike Udenwa, among others. The party explained that these leaders were tasked with conducting stakeholder consultations and helping build consensus around aspirants in their respective states.
“These leaders were entrusted with conducting stakeholder consultations, building consensus, and making recommendations to the party based on their understanding of the peculiar political dynamics in their respective states.
“Aspirants who disagreed with stakeholder recommendations were not excluded from the process but were allowed to test their popularity through grassroots primaries. This process was conducted without prejudice to the rights of any aspirant. Where aspirants disagreed with recommendations made by stakeholders or caucus leaders, they were free to test their popularity through the democratic process at the grassroots level, and this was duly accommodated,” the party said.
Addressing concerns raised by some aspirants following the primaries, the NDC acknowledged reports of individuals prematurely declaring themselves candidates as well as complaints regarding aspects of the process.
However, it maintained that such issues had been referred to the party’s appeal panel and leadership for resolution.
The statement also highlighted the party’s commitment to affirmative action and greater female participation in politics, noting that efforts had been made to encourage women to seek elective offices while also considering the interests of serving lawmakers.
Looking ahead, the NDC announced plans to begin a broad reconciliation process aimed at healing divisions and strengthening party unity after the conclusion of the primaries.
“As resolved at yesterday’s NEC meeting, we now look forward to the commencement of a comprehensive reconciliation process. We count on our esteemed caucus leaders, state chairmen, stakeholders, and party leaders to engage all aspirants and members in the interest of unity, cohesion, and the continued growth of our party.”
The party reiterated that its role throughout the nomination process was primarily to welcome new members and aspirants, reassure them of its commitment to fairness and transparency, and direct them to the appropriate caucus structures for participation in party affairs.
According to the NDC, the approach reflects its commitment to internal democracy, consultation, inclusiveness, and respect for established leadership structures as it continues preparations for future elections.
Idi Abbas, Chief of the Naval Staff (CNS), on Friday, prayed for a legislation to establish a special court to try those caught in the business of stealing crude oil in Nigeria, saying the current general law was not too helpful in stemming the tide.
It was also a day he claimed that the powerful forces behind the syndicate had a way of projecting fronts while remaining behind the scene, which made it almost impossible to track them to face justice.
In fact, Abbas, a Vice Admiral, revealed that the operation was so perfect that those arrested at illegal refining sites were usually low-level operatives with little knowledge of the larger criminal network.
A guest on Sunrise Daily, a breakfast programme on Channels Television, the Naval Chief noted that many of those apprehended during operations are merely workers paid small sums, adding that such a complex structure of oil theft syndicates made it difficult to identify and prosecute the individuals who orchestrate the criminal enterprise.
“Most of the faces behind these thefts are not really known or are not the ones we always catch. The ones we get at most of the illegal refinery sites are just being given some paltry sum, while the big masquerades are the ones that make the real money. Prosecuting suspects is often complicated by the fact that many of those arrested have little or no information about the people directing the operations.
“In trying to prosecute some of these people that we get, some of them don’t even know who they are working for. So, the network is a very delicate one.
“But despite the challenges the Nigerian Navy and other security agencies are continually refining their strategies to counter the evolving tactics of oil thieves. As they are evolving strategies, we are also evolving new strategies. Like I keep saying, technology is the way forward. With that, we have been able to reduce the level of theft.”
Stating that the adoption of technology-driven surveillance, intelligence gathering and monitoring systems had significantly enhanced efforts to curb crude oil theft and protect critical national assets, he reaffirmed the commitment of the Nigerian Navy to sustaining operations against oil theft, stressing that collaboration among security agencies, stakeholders and host communities remains essential to safeguarding the nation’s oil resources.
The naval boss while assuring that Nigeria’s coastal and riverine communities are relatively safe, said the Nigerian Navy had made significant progress in reducing threats along the coast, particularly illegal oil-related activities and sea robbery.
“As it stands today, I can say that our coastal areas and the riverine areas are relatively safe. While crude oil theft and isolated cases of sea robbery remain areas of concern, the Navy has been largely successful in containing such activities through intensified surveillance and enforcement operations.
Hear him: “What we are contending with mostly there is the issue of crude oil theft and some pockets of sea robbery, which we are able to curtail. There is need for the establishment of a special court dedicated to prosecuting maritime crimes.
“This court will focus exclusively on cases involving crude oil theft and other maritime-related offences, helping to address delays associated with the conventional judicial process. The establishment of such a court would significantly accelerate the dispensation of justice and reduce the burden currently placed on the Navy in maintaining seized vessels and other exhibits pending the conclusion of lengthy court processes.
“If we have that in place, I believe the dispensation of justice will be done much faster and then ease the burden of keeping and maintaining some of the arrested vessels, which will be taken off from us because we spend a lot to maintain those vessels under our custody.”
Nigeria is considering refinancing some of its expensive debt obligations and raising fresh funding to bridge its budget deficit, buoyed by improved investor confidence and elevated crude oil prices triggered by tensions in the Middle East.
Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Taiwo Oyedele, disclosed that the federal government was looking to take advantage of favourable market conditions to restructure costly legacy debt and secure additional financing for development projects.
Speaking in an interview with Bloomberg TV, Oyedele said the current environment presented a unique opportunity for Nigeria to improve its debt profile while mobilising resources to support economic growth.
“We think that this timing is good for us to be able to maybe even refinance some of our expensive past debts, but also to raise more funding for our development at this critical time. You don’t know what happens tomorrow. But as of today, market conditions are actually very good,” he pointed out.
The renewed optimism stems largely from the sharp rise in crude oil prices following the conflict involving Iran, which has boosted the fortunes of oil-producing countries outside the Middle East, including Nigeria.
Higher oil prices have strengthened Nigeria’s external earnings position and improved investor perception of the country’s creditworthiness. The premium demanded by investors to hold Nigerian dollar-denominated bonds over comparable United States Treasury securities has fallen significantly, reflecting growing confidence in the economy.
Despite improvements in government revenue, Oyedele noted that Nigeria still faces a budget deficit of about N30 trillion this year, necessitating the search for additional financing sources.
The minister explained that the government was keeping its financing options open, including access to concessional loans from multilateral institutions. “We’re keeping our options open, we know the size of the deficit, including less-costly concessionary loans,” he said.
According to him, discussions are ongoing with the World Bank and other development finance institutions, while reforms implemented by the Bola Tinubu administration have continued to attract investor interest.
The government has undertaken a number of reforms since assuming office in May 2023, including fuel subsidy removal, tax policy changes, foreign exchange reforms and efforts to improve fiscal revenues.
However, while rising oil prices have boosted government earnings, they have also contributed to inflationary pressures globally, complicating monetary policy decisions and increasing the cost of delivering critical infrastructure and social services.
The US-Israeli war on Iran has pushed the price of Brent crude up as much as 63 per cent this year, creating an opportunity for producers outside the Middle East like Nigeria, while the premium investors demand to hold Nigerian dollar bonds rather than US Treasuries has fallen 80 basis points since the start of the war to 262, the lowest in more than a decade.
Meanwhile, Nigeria may face fresh trade headwinds from the United States after the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) proposed imposing an additional 12.5 per cent tariff on Nigerian exports over concerns relating to alleged forced labour regulations.
The proposal forms part of action targeting 60 economies under Section 301 of the US Trade Act of 1974, following investigations into what Washington described as inadequate measures by several trading partners to combat forced labour in international supply chains.
In a statement issued by the USTR, Nigeria was listed among 54 economies found to have “failed to impose and effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labour.” As a result, the agency proposed additional duties on products originating from the affected countries.
The agency explained that countries with existing forced labour import prohibitions or those that have committed to implementing such measures through trade agreements would face a lower tariff of 10 per cent.
However, countries categorised as having no effective prohibition regime, including Nigeria, could be subjected to a 12.5 per cent additional duty should the proposal be adopted.
U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Jamieson Greer, said the failure of major trading partners to adequately address the importation of goods produced with forced labour created unfair competition for American workers and businesses.
“The failure of our most important trading partners to address the importation of goods made with forced labour is unacceptable. This creates a dynamic where American workers are forced to compete globally on an unlevel playing field,” Greer said.
He added that while some countries had taken initial steps to curb the importation of forced labour goods, much more needed to be done to eliminate the practice from global supply chains.
The USTR argued that the failure of the affected economies to establish and enforce effective forced labour import prohibitions undermines global efforts to eradicate forced labour, distorts market competition and disadvantages firms that comply with acceptable labour standards.
According to the agency, such practices burden U.S. commerce by exposing American producers to unfair competition and facilitating the circumvention of existing forced labour restrictions.
Aside from Nigeria, other impacted countries include: Algeria; Angola; Argentina; Australia; the Bahamas; Bahrain; Bangladesh; Brazil; Cambodia; Chile; China, People’s Republic of; Colombia; Costa Rica; Dominican Republic; Egypt; El Salvador; Guatemala; Guyana; Honduras; Hong Kong, China; India; Iraq; Israel; Japan; Jordan; Kazakhstan; Kuwait; Libya; Malaysia and Morocco.
Others include: New Zealand; Nicaragua; Norway; Oman; Peru; the Philippines; Qatar; Russia; Saudi Arabia; Singapore; South Africa; South Korea; Sri Lanka; Switzerland; Taiwan; Thailand; Trinidad and Tobago; Türkiye; United Arab Emirates; United Kingdom; Uruguay; Venezuela; and Vietnam.
Culled from ARISE NEWS
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