Opinion
Atiku: The significance of another Fulani President!
No doubt, Atiku Abubakar, Waziri Adamawa, is already one leg into The Villa, the exotic name for Nigeria’s presidential powerhouse – Aso Rock. This will be the second time. But now, he will be returning, not as resident of the Akinola Aguda House, which he previously occupied as a Vice President but the main palace.
This giant move is coming, having just emerged the winner of the ticket of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), at the end of its primaries on Saturday, May 27, in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory.
That makes him the candidate of the main opposition party, in which he served the nation for eight years as a Vice President. The prospect is even easier given the profile of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), which has been anything but listless.
His opening that door and sitting on the number one seat, would take just one push that will come on February 23, 2023, if the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), sticks to its timetable.
In a high-octane political firmament like Nigeria, Atiku’s emerging as the number one citizen, sends one clear message – another Fulani man will be in charge and baring any unforeseen development, like impeachment, death or relinquishment of the position by himself, for the next eight years.
Certainly, another Fulani man in power ought to send shivers down the spine of the other ethnic groupings in Nigerian. Not after what the nation has seen in their hands these past years.
Yes! Nigerians have seen hell in the hands of the Fulani people since the arrival of President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015. Outside Boko Haram, virtually all other security problems in the country in the last seven years or so has the Fulani imprimatur to it.
From the outright mindless butchery in Zamfara to Kaduna, Plateau, Benue, Oyo, Ebonyi, Anambra, Imo, Abia, Delta among others, communities have counted their losses even till date, as the list of human carnage continues to grow rapidly, with everyone pointing in one direction – the Fulani.
Except that the voice of Nnamdi Kanu, leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), has been dimmed by his present incarceration in the hands of the Department of State Services (DSS), he had shouted himself hoarse over the devastation the Fulani was causing in Nigeria, and made their activities not only the talking point of his IPOB agitation but the raison d’etre for the Biafran option.
Sunday Adeyemo, popularly known as Sunday Igboho, is currently on exile today, because he had to take up the task of tackling the menace of the Fulani, who were wreacking havoc on his people in Ibarapa, Oyo State, where scores were slaughtered mindlessly by day and by night before his intervention.
Even the Easter Security Network (ESN), the militant brigade linked to IPOB, had the Fulani as its main enemy and set out the task of chasing them away from the bush, from where they were alleged to have carried out attacks not only farmers in the various states of the South East, but on open villages and communities as well.
In other words, if there was no Fulani menace, there might not have been the ESN, which the Federal Government and security operatives officially claim are the Unknown Gun Men (UGM), fingered as the culprits in the wanton killings and other criminal activities, that have made the South East one of the most volatile areas of Nigeria today in terms of insecurity. In other words, if there was no Fulani menace, there mightn’t be UGN, with the concomitant carnage and general South East crisis.
In Katsina, Aminu Masari, Governor of the state, did not mince words in officially accusing the Fulani as the culprits in the massive destruction of lives, as well as kidnapping and other high-level crimes, the same as in neighbouring Zamfara.
Today, Kaduna, one of the Nigeria’s most influential states, has become a perfect example of a terrorised entity. If communities are not attacked with a harvest of dead bodies left behind, travellers are waylaid on the road and spirited into the forest for ransom.
Even with the status as the supposedly most highly-secured states in Nigeria, laced with the best military installations and institutions, no space seems sacrosanct, and no place is spared, with gunmen, going as far as invading the fortresses of military installations to kill and kidnap their personnel. Today, scores of passengers kidnapped in the ill-fated Abuja-Kaduna train, after the attack on March 28, this year, are still in the bush, kept by their abductors, believed to be Fulani militias.
So, outside the nation’s economy, which has been pushed to its nadir during the period in question, due to a combination of factors, there is no doubt that the Fulani phenomenon is now a bigger issue.
That leads to the bigger question. Where does Atiku stand? How would he handle this monster. Would he be the one to put a leash on the Fulani Project, which has been touted as a gambit to take over Nigeria or is he going to add more fuel to fire it?
In other words, would Nigeria be experiencing some relief in the hands of the Fulani, assuming Atiku gets power, or would the whiplashes on their backs by the Buhari era be replaced with the biblical flogging with snakes and scorpions?
Whichever, he seems amply equipped to deal with the issue. Yes! It might be ironical to support a northerner back to the Presidency after Buhari. It says so many things about Nigeria. I actually find it totally objectionable. But, the only mitigation that lessens the pain is the fact that a northerner would be cleaning the mess left behind by the Buhari years. It makes it even better that the said northerner would be a Fulani.
Listening to Atiku talk about unifying the country, on the day he flagged off his presidential interest, which he reiterated after his nomination on Saturday, I couldn’t but feel a sense of relief. The only thing he needs do is to deny the Fulani causing havoc in the bushes across Nigeria the oxygen Buhari had offered them – identity.
Deny them the tag of Special Nigerians, and treat them like any Other Citizen, both in appointment and in dealing with their issues in terms of crime. For starters, first admit that the Fulani in the bush are no longer going about with sticks and machetes to cut grasses for their cows, as Buhari would excuse them, but are now wielding Ak-47 rifles with which they kill people and cause all manner of crimes. Once that happens, it would make it easier for the security agencies, who have taken a cue to treat them as Special. As the former spokesman of Afenifere, the late Yinka Odumakin, described before he died – the police would throw up their hands in the air and ask a distressed Nigerian in trouble with the Fulani – to seek help elsewhere was a Fulani is the culprit.
Yes! If a Fulani man commits an offence, treat him as you would an Igbo or Yoruba committing the same offence. That will solve a lot of problems. To say that the absence of this has led to multiple complications in the security arrangement in Nigeria, is to say the least.
That way, if a lawmaker is beheaded in Anambra or people are slaughtered in the streets for not observing the sit-at-home order, IPOB, the alleged sponsors of the UGM can no longer claim it is the Fulani, because every Fulani you see would be those originally known to the people with their benign smiles, peculiar gaits, strange hairdos and dressings – Fulanis with traditional medical solutions.
Nobody is likely to undo the terrible blow Buhari did to Nigerian unity better than a Fulani in terms of balanced appointments. Anyone else, given the depth of the damage, would be accused of displacing them. Yes! If a President from the south, launches an all out war against those with guns in the bush, the image of bodies so vanquished in the process, could cut the unsightly spectacle of ethnic cleansing and give vent to reprisals, even if not immediate, in future – because the Fulani, according to Malam Nasir El-Rufai – doesn’t forget.
Therefore the mindset of Atiku matters. When he calls himself the unifier, does he mean it? Hopefully! Remember, Buhari is not the only Fulani President Nigeria has witnessed. The late Shehu Shagari and Umaru Yar’Adua were Fulanis. So, the devil in the room is not in the Race, but in The Person.
Even as Atiku sings his seducing mantra, many Nigerians still have their fears. There are whispers that his monumental power base, including his seeming endless financial is from the Middle East, with an agenda to Islamise Nigeria, which was accentuated by the drama surrounding his outing on the murder of Deborah Samuel, the 200-level student of the Shehu Shagari College of Education (SSCE), Sokoto.
Let us hope that even if he couldn’t go further, the Waziri Adamawa will at least leave the people with a Shagari-Yar’Adua Nigeria, where the activities of the Fulani was left to speculations. If Atiku, through Takiya, the Hausa word for deceit, becomes another Buhari in power, it will either result in Nigeria being overrun by the Fulani or it’s to your tent oh Israel! Both ways, the country will be finished. May we never suffer another Buhari’s invidious era in Nigeria!
Igboanugo, a journalist, wrote from Lagos
Posted 30 May 2022, 02:17pm |
By Bayo Onanuga
With politicking intensifying ahead of the January 2027 election, opposition politicians have escalated their campaign of misinformation and calumny to diminish the impact and achievements of this administration over the last three years.
Two years ago, when the administration was struggling to deal with the unintended consequences of its historic reforms, the campaign would have made sense. But not anymore, as the administration can rightly claim bragging rights for what it has achieved against all odds and why the international community is applauding it for putting Nigeria irrevocably on the path of growth and development.
The impact of the three-year-old government is best felt at the subnational level – state and local levels. States that hitherto were unable to pay salaries by May 2023, with months of unpaid obligations to their workers and pensioners, are now doing so with ease and dreaming big about infrastructure. In every state I have visited, I have seen this development. Ogun, my state, Oyo, Nasarawa, Enugu, Ebonyi, Kaduna, Kano, Kebbi, Katsina, and others have witnessed development projects spring up, thanks to President Tinubu’s re-engineering of the federation’s finances and increased allocation to the states. When local councils begin to receive their allocations directly from the Federation Account, the Tinubu effect will ensure that more governance cascades down to the 774 local councils.
State governors who have benefited from this policy have openly admitted that increased allocations have enabled them to bring social and infrastructural development to their states. Many opposition PDP governors who joined the APC did so for this reason—not for the baseless claim that President Tinubu bribed them. Governor Abdulrazak said in December 2024 that his administration embarked on more projects in the first 18 months of Tinubu’s presidency than in his first four years. The Governor of Ebonyi, Nwifuru, who is building iconic underpasses and overpasses in Abakaliki, credited his ambition to President Tinubu. Governor Peter Mbah similarly attested to this, crediting the Naira rain from the centre for his programmes. And Nasarawa State Governor Abdullahi Sule, who understands how Tinubu’s financial re-engineering and the end of the subsidy regime have increased the states’ fortunes, said President Tinubu “has taken the bullets for all of them.”
In May 2023, President Tinubu inherited acute petrol scarcity, an unsustainable petrol subsidy regime due to expire in June 2023, multiple exchange rates, arbitrage, and low revenue, with at least 30 states unable to pay workers, let alone fund infrastructure and social projects. Debt servicing consumed 97 per cent of Federal revenue. Additionally, food scarcity and inflation plagued the country as farmers abandoned their fields, recording massive losses amid the currency squeeze introduced by former CBN Governor Godwin Emefiele.
President Tinubu, guided by the Renewed Hope Agenda, wasted no time. He threw the ruinous subsidy out of the window from Day One. Days later, he floated the Naira and ended the artificial fixing of the Naira-to-dollar exchange rate, a system that had enabled well-connected individuals to profit effortlessly. Tinubu declared a food emergency and announced the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms to examine our outdated tax laws, some of which date back to the colonial era. Immediate gains included encouraging dry-season farming, with subsidies and inputs provided for farmlands abutting dams and irrigation sites in at least 14 states.
Even by President Tinubu’s admission, the early months and the first year were tough as the government implemented its programme. The cost of living went up, and businesses claimed the harmonised exchange rate had put them in the red. A few companies even closed shop and left our shores. On the streets, some Nigerians claimed that the policies have left them hungry, a sentiment the opposition still parrots to this day, without any empirical proof. If not sure of the salience of his reforms, President Tinubu would have taken a reverse gear in fright and abandoned all the new reform policies amid the avalanche of attacks from critics and opposition elements in the media. Instead, he persisted.
Two years after the first challenging year, the story has changed for good. However, some opposition elements are stuck in the sentiment of 2023/24, unyielding and adamant about acknowledging the many gains and milestones achieved by the Tinubu administration. But only the blind will fail to admit that this government has taken the country miles away from the state it inherited in 2023.
The stock market is clear proof of the administration’s economic success. In May 2023, Tinubu met the All-Share Index at 53,000 points and the market capitalisation at N30 Trillion. Today, the ASI has risen five times, to a record 250,000 and a market capitalisation of N160 Trillion. Blue-chip companies, including those initially negatively impacted by government policies, are declaring record profits and dividends. Equally, foreign portfolio investors are flocking in to partake in the Nigerian boom. This is not a bubble. It shows that a fundamental paradigm shift has occurred in the economy, all thanks to the Tinubu administration’s policy direction.
In recent weeks, I revisited the manifesto and policy ambitions that won us the election. The Tinubu administration has faithfully implemented its Renewed Hope Agenda, striving to resolve in three years the cumulative problems of decades.
Roads that will outlast this generation are being built nationwide. I recently went home to Ijebu-Ode, Ogun State, and was amazed that the highway to my town from the Shagamu intersection now has a concrete pavement, thick enough to withstand the traffic of trailers from the West to the East. The most audacious road projects ever undertaken by any administration since independence are the Illela-Sokoto-Badagry and the Lagos-Calabar coastal superhighways. President Shehu Shagari conceived the Sokoto-Badagry highway in the early 80s. Succeeding administrations, afraid of the huge cost, abandoned the road. The Lagos-Calabar has also been on the map for decades, but no leader has ever dared to turn the idea into reality. President Tinubu has proven to be a transformative leader who has decided to turn the roads into reality, adding new roads to our road network for the first time, beyond those we inherited from the colonialists. Myopic critics of the two roads have assailed the Tinubu administration for taking loans to accomplish them. How else could the roads have been built if we rely only on FG’s share from FAAC? Relying solely on federal allocations would mean waiting 50 years or more, with costs ballooning out of reach, as in the metro-rail to nowhere started by presidential aspirant Rotimi Chibuke Amaechi in Port Harcourt, Rivers State. In the states, governors are building roads of similar standards. I saw some of these in Ogun, Kaduna, Ebonyi and Enugu.
As with roads, the Tinubu administration is also investing heavily in rail transportation, with the Kaduna-Kano-Gusau-Maraadi rail network scheduled for completion next year. City rail networks in Kaduna, Lagos, Kano and Enugu have been approved for construction, along with the Lekki-Ibadan rail.
When historians write about the Tinubu administration in 2031, they will not remember it only for audacious road and rail networks, but also for historic reforms. The oil and gas sector is one area in which the administration has impacted the country. Apart from ending the regime of wasteful subsidies, the government has instituted reforms that have made the sector attractive to fresh investment. International Oil Companies(IOCs) that once shunned our country are returning with billions of dollars in investment. Domestic refining and the innovative Naira-for-crude policy are ensuring energy security, thereby avoiding acute scarcity arising from the disruptive war against Iran and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. More recently, the administration enacted a policy requiring the NNPC to remit oil sales proceeds to the Federation account.
Confronted by the administration’s stellar performance, the opposition and media propagandists dredged up a campaign video of the President promising a 24/7 power supply. They distorted his words. What he actually said was: “Whichever way, by all means necessary, you will have electricity, and you will not pay for an estimated bill anymore. A promise made will be a promise kept. If I don’t keep the promise and I come for a second term, don’t vote for me, unless I give you adequate reasons why I couldn’t deliver.”
What the distorters failed to admit was that the Discos, privatised since 2013 by President Goodluck Jonathan, are responsible for delivering power to the end consumers, not the Federal Government. What this government has done in the last three years has been to address the problems hindering the capacity of Discos to deliver, such as bringing Siemens to strengthen the grid, activating idle GENCOs, and planning to clear the N4 trillion legacy debts owed to GENCOs and GASCos, which will encourage new investments in the sector. The government has also massively implemented its metering policy, providing over 2.5 million meters to homes. Recently, the Tinubu administration announced the establishment of GAMCO, the Grid Asset Management Company, which will optimise power supply and activate idle facilities.
One of the administration’s impactful programmes, apart from issuing passports in less than a week, is the introduction of NELFUND and CREDICORP in 2024. While Credicorp is making loans available to civil servants to buy Made-In-Nigeria products, NELFUND, with N282 billion committed so far, has made tertiary education more accessible for our children. About 1.6 million Nigerian students have benefited. Payment of school fees and stipends is assured for the children, and the government has also renegotiated the 2009 ASUU-FG agreement, such that in the last three years, our universities, along with the Polytechnics and Colleges of Education, have been spared the disruptive academic strikes. Let’s give the Tinubu government some slack: a four-year programme is now a four-year programme. He promised it during the campaign and has delivered. The government has also invested in technical schools, offering students pursuing vocational education allowances. In the universities, TETFUND is once again funding research grants for dons willing to pursue ideas that will be useful to our society.
Among impactful programmes, apart from issuing passports in less than a week, are NELFUND and CREDICORP, introduced in 2024. Credicorp makes loans available to civil servants for Made-In-Nigeria products, while NELFUND, with N282 billion committed, has made tertiary education more accessible. About 1.6 million students have benefited. School fees and stipends are assured, and the government has renegotiated the 2009 ASUU-FG agreement, sparing universities from disruptive strikes. Today, a four-year programme in the universities, polytechnics and colleges of education is completed in four years. Technical schools offer allowances to vocational students, and TETFUND is funding research grants to academics.
It has not been all rosy the past three years, especially in the area of making our people safe from the band of bandits and terrorists. While the armed forces have been locked in an asymmetrical war against these heartless elements, neutralising their leaders and foot soldiers in several theatres of conflict, the displaced terrorists are attacking vulnerable areas in some of the states, killing and kidnapping. The government is unrelenting in providing the armed forces, intelligence agencies, and police with the tools they need to wage the war. With support from friendly governments like the US, France, and the UK, there is hope that the menace of kidnappers and their political sponsors will become history. The man who has taken the bullets to make Nigeria survive a fiscal disaster is even more willing to take additional bullets to make all Nigerians safe.
Onanuga is Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Information and Strategy
By Hon Eseme Eyiboh
Let us begin with a confession. There is something unsettling about a politician who no longer appears to struggle.
In the turbulent theatre of Nigerian politics, where noise is often mistaken for relevance, where primaries resemble wrestling contests and delegate management demands the instincts of a hostage negotiator, a man who walks in unopposed does not merely win. He transforms the entire contest into a rehearsal.
On Monday, May 18, 2026, at Methodist Primary School, Ukana, in Essien Udim Local Government Area, Senator Godswill Akpabio did exactly that. No contest. No drama. No nervous counting of votes. He simply emerged as the candidate of the All Progressives Congress for the Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial District without a single challenger.
While many politicians remain trapped in the exhausting rituals of horse trading, factional bargaining, and survival politics, Akpabio’s good works delivered something far rarer in Nigeria’s political environment than gold itself. Absolute consensus.
To the casual observer, an unopposed return may suggest the absence of competition. That would be a dangerously shallow interpretation.
Those familiar with the political phenomenon long associated with the “Uncommon Transformer” understand the distinction clearly. An unopposed ticket does not mean nobody desired to contest. Politics naturally attracts ambition the way light attracts insects. Power always generates interest. Influence always provokes aspiration.
What an unopposed return truly means is far more significant: potential challengers surveyed the landscape, studied the numbers, weighed the networks, measured the emotional connection between the man and the political structure around him, and quietly concluded that the road to victory simply did not exist.
There is a profound difference between lack of opposition and the collapse of viable opposition
Why is there no road to victory for others? Because what Akpabio has built in Akwa Ibom State in general and Akwa Ibom North West in particular is no longer merely a political structure. It is a fortress. Its walls are not made of concrete. They are made of cultivated loyalty. Enduring networks. Strategic generosity. And the unspoken understanding that confronting him politically is not simply difficult. It is often futile and absurd.
The atmosphere at the ward centre resembled less a political exercise and more a carnival of affirmation. Supporters, community leaders, women groups, youths, and party faithful gathered not to determine an outcome but to endorse a grace carrier already settled in the public imagination. The votes were counted without end. The votes were celebrated.
Here is the remarkable part.
The whispers surrounding Akpabio’s dominance do not come only from admirers. They come from seeming opponents too.
They do not fear his voice. They fear his results. They do not tremble at confrontation. They confront something more sobering: the recognition that within his political territory, the arithmetic has been solved with almost clinical precision.
While others are still assembling coalitions, Akpabio consolidated his long ago. While rivals continue calculating delegate figures, he has already moved to the next question: what happens after victory? How does political power translate into enduring relevance and measurable impact?
That is the distinction between a career politician and a political architect. One chases office. The other shapes the terrain on which the chase itself occurs.
Since assuming office as President of the 10th Senate, Akpabio has projected a measure of stability within the Red Chamber. That should not be understated.
The Nigerian Senate has earned a reputation for turbulence over the years. Leadership rebellions. Internal fractures. Floor dramas that generate headlines while weakening governance and social democratic structures. Against that backdrop, a Senate President capable of maintaining institutional stability without recurring crises becomes more than merely effective. He becomes uncommon.
His admirers see in him a politician who has consistently combined institutional authority with emotional loyalty from his base through the National to International arena. From Governor to Minister to Senate President, his rise is framed as the journey of a man who understood tomorrow before others arrived there. A politician deeply conscious of timing, alignment, and the delicate craft of converting social capital into durable influence and uncommon power (political capital).
This point matters enormously. Political capital is easy to squander. This point matters enormously. Political goodwill is easy to destroy. Many politicians exhaust it through arrogance, exclusion, or the endless pursuit of personal advantage. But Akpabio appears to understand something deeper about leadership: goodwill grows when people genuinely feel seen, valued, included, and carried along.
Over the years, he has cultivated relationships not merely through politics, but through accessibility, generosity of spirit, loyalty to associates, and an unusual ability to make people feel remembered even in the midst of high office. That is why his support structure often appears less like a coalition held together by convenience and more like a community bound by shared experience and enduring personal connection.
What some interpret merely as political dominance may actually be the long-term harvest of sustained human investment.
And perhaps that explains the ease with which the field gradually cleared around him. Not because opposition was forcibly silenced, but because many within the political environment saw little wisdom in disrupting a consensus built around continuity, stability, experience, and an existing relationship of trust.
His commitment to continue working closely with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Umo Eno reinforces a broader message of continuity and strategic alignment. At a time when fragmentation remains the temptation of many ambitious actors, Senator Akpabio has chosen coordination. That is not a weakness. It is political arithmetic.
And this is where the conversation shifts from the present to the near future. The same political capital that secured his senatorial return without resistance is not a one-use currency. It accumulates. It compounds. The goodwill he has cultivated, the equilibrium he has maintained, and the pragmatic preference for results over rhetoric are not merely tools for another Senate term. They form the foundation of something larger and forthcoming.
The crystal ball is not required to observe the trajectory. A Senate President who secures his own return effortlessly, stabilises a chamber historically associated with instability, aligns himself with the centre of national power grid while maintaining grassroots legitimacy, is a Senate President who has solved one of Nigerian politics’ most difficult equations.
He has demonstrated to his colleagues that he can deliver. He has shown the party hierarchy that he can be trusted. He has reassured constituents that proximity to power has not disconnected him from them.
This combination is rarer than any single attribute standing alone. So when the 11th Senate eventually convenes and the question of leadership emerges once again, the conversation may prove shorter than many anticipate. Not because there will be no interested contenders. There always are. But because the arithmetic of loyalty, institutional experience, strategic alignment, and demonstrated political capacity will already have completed its quiet work.
Akpabio has not formally declared interest in leading the 11th Senate. He does not need to. The declaration already exists in the pattern of his movements, the stability of his stewardship, and the political field he has cleared without visible strain. It is simply the discipline of reading political signs as they present themselves* .
In the end, Nigerian politics rewards those who understand the people more deeply than those who merely master performance and noise.That is not sentimentality. It is a political reality.
A politician capable of delivering his constituency without violence, panic, or emergency intervention is a politician who understands something fundamental: power is never truly declared. It is demonstrated. And it is demonstrated most convincingly when nobody steps forward to challenge it.
On that Monday in Ukana, the drums rolled. Praises echoed across the gathering. And the political message arrived without ambiguity. In Akwa Ibom North West, the conversation has moved beyond opposition. What remains is an audience waiting to see the next chapter unfold without ceasing.
Senator Godswill Akpabio has once again reminded observers that in certain political spaces, dominance is not always loud.
Sometimes, it is simply complete. And in the intricate chessboard of Nigerian politics, where many players are still learning how the pieces move, that level of mastery remains rare, consequential, and deeply potent.
The man who saw tomorrow understood something else too. The loudest voice in the room is rarely the one that prevails.
The one that prevails is the one that no longer needs to shout because everybody already understands. And that is what Senator Godswill Akpabio has demonstrated that he is the man who saw tomorrow.
Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr is a former member and Spokesperson of the House of Representatives and currently Special Adviser, Media/Publicity and official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate
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