Opinion

2023: Tinubu’s desperation and long lost political empire

Published

4 years ago

October 31, 2022

No empire lasts forever. History is filled with examples of even the most powerful empires that have crumbled either due to implosion or explosion. As powerful and formidable as the Roman, Carthage, Assyrian, Persian, and Babylonian empires were, they all crumbled due to their inability to withstand sustained pressures or currents. Therefore, no empire – no matter how formidably built – is too big or powerful to crumble.

Just like the great empires of old, the political empire of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, former Governor of Lagos state is crumbling right before our eyes. Yet, he thinks or he is deluded to believe that he is waxing stronger politically.

This was exactly what the captain of TITANIC – the biggest ship in the early 20th century – thought. He was quoted to have said the ship was too big to sink that even God will not allow it to wreck. As though by some stroke of fate, that night, the ship sank and that was the last time it saw the sun.

Tinubu’s supporters have told everyone who cares to listen that he single-handedly installed the current administration of All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2015. To them, he is politically invincible. Tinubu’s empire, to them, is waxing stronger when it’s actually crumbling. Nobody is telling him just yet or truthful enough to him that the ground has shifted beneath him since 2015 when he thought to overstretch his so-called empire.

In 2015, in trying to prove his political invincibility after the presidential election, he thought about gaining control of the leadership of the National Assembly.

Controlling the National Assembly, he thought, will strengthen his hands to control the APC-led administration. Of course, we all know how the June 2015 NASS leadership election went. Like Napoleon’s 1812 invasion of Moscow, his ego suffered badly. The signs were clear, but he whom the gods will kill, he first makes blind!

The emperor of a crumbling empire later took his sights to Kogi state. The APC had a bright chance of winning the Kogi gubernatorial election in 2015. Former Governor Abubakar Audu won the party’s ticket and Tinubu lobbied for one of his boys, James Faleke, a member of the House of Representatives representing Ikeja, Lagos to be Audu’s running mate. Tinubu knew about Audu’s failing health. So, he thought with Faleke he would effectively get to control Kogi. As fate will have it, Audu died just before the elections were concluded with APC in clear lead. The debate as to who inherits his votes arose. It was up to the APC leadership to decide. Tinubu’s boy Faleke was everywhere insisting he should be the one to inherit Audu’s vote being the running mate. The law was clear on the matter that the votes should go to the runner up in the APC primary. This was how the party picked Yahya Bello, the current Governor of the state. Tinubu again left Kogi empty handed.

Desperate for a victory to boost the morale of his supporters, his sights were in Ondo state. Ondo state has a history of resisting emperors. This explains why Ondo was never under the Oyo Empire. While Benin conquered Akure, it soon declared its independence in the 1890s. Emperor Tinubu thought he could subjugate Ondo state in 2016. He tried imposing Olusola Oke (formerly of the People’s Democratic Party, PDP) as the APC gubernatorial candidate against the more tested and independent-minded Rotimi Akeredolu who was the party’s flag bearer in 2012 under ACN. Akeredolu won the APC ticket against all Tinubu’s treacherous scheming. Oke later went to the Alliance for Democracy (AD). Well, as history will have it, APC won the election without Tinubu. In fact, some analysts think ACN’s Akeredolu would have won the gubernatorial election in 2012 if not for too much of Tinubu’s influence. Tinubu did not realize how much of a political liability he had become in the scheme of things.

In 2018, he tried to control Ekiti state. His least favoured candidate, Kayode Fayemi, won both the APC primary and the election. Tinubu was again humbled. He largely kept a safe distance from the state. Fayemi realized he does not need baggage like Tinubu for his 2018 campaign after his 2014 fisco.

In Osun state, Tinubu deployed all measures he had. He could not afford to lose Osun, his home state. He insisted on his cousin, Gboyega Oyetola, becoming APC’s flag bearer. Despite being the ruling party in the state, APC struggled to retain a state that is naturally a Progressives’ fortress. Even with “almighty” Tinubu spending his very last blood.

The signs of his crumbling empire began showing after the Osun Governorship election. His erstwhile lieutenant, Rauf Aregbesola, largely fell out with him. To spite his former master, he was appointed as Minister of Interior, after APC’s victory in the 2019 election. Tinubu has not found it funny ever since.

Nobody likes to be told the hard truths. It is understandable if none of Tinubu’s subordinates are telling him his political empire and fortunes are waxing stronger when in fact, it’s waning. Tinubu is simply desperate to re-assert himself politically for relevance. The signs are getting clearer to him even though his core supporters are not getting the message. He is contesting for president that he is sure to lose only to prove a point. He is using the last remaining crumbs of his relevance to bully South-West Traditional Rulers to save his political fortunes. He has visited a number of them. These Traditional Rulers – most of whom he helped install – don’t necessarily support his political ambition. They are simply urging the Emperor to keep dancing in his “new clothes” when he is actually dancing naked!

Tinubu’s empire has long crumbled and 2023 would show just that.

Adigun, a public affairs analyst, writes from Lagos

Posted by Olalekan Adigun | 18 April 2022, 10:59pm

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The man who saw tomorrow: Senator Akpabio and the uncommon politics of certainty

Published

4 days ago

May 20, 2026

Whirlwindnews

By Hon Eseme Eyiboh

Let us begin with a confession. There is something unsettling about a politician who no longer appears to struggle.

In the turbulent theatre of Nigerian politics, where noise is often mistaken for relevance, where primaries resemble wrestling contests and delegate management demands the instincts of a hostage negotiator, a man who walks in unopposed does not merely win. He transforms the entire contest into a rehearsal.

On Monday, May 18, 2026, at Methodist Primary School, Ukana, in Essien Udim Local Government Area, Senator Godswill Akpabio did exactly that. No contest. No drama. No nervous counting of votes. He simply emerged as the candidate of the All Progressives Congress for the Akwa Ibom North West Senatorial District without a single challenger.

While many politicians remain trapped in the exhausting rituals of horse trading, factional bargaining, and survival politics, Akpabio’s good works delivered something far rarer in Nigeria’s political environment than gold itself. Absolute consensus.

To the casual observer, an unopposed return may suggest the absence of competition. That would be a dangerously shallow interpretation.
Those familiar with the political phenomenon long associated with the “Uncommon Transformer” understand the distinction clearly. An unopposed ticket does not mean nobody desired to contest. Politics naturally attracts ambition the way light attracts insects. Power always generates interest. Influence always provokes aspiration.
What an unopposed return truly means is far more significant: potential challengers surveyed the landscape, studied the numbers, weighed the networks, measured the emotional connection between the man and the political structure around him, and quietly concluded that the road to victory simply did not exist.
There is a profound difference between lack of opposition and the collapse of viable opposition

Why is there no road to victory for others? Because what Akpabio has built in Akwa Ibom State in general and Akwa Ibom North West in particular is no longer merely a political structure. It is a fortress. Its walls are not made of concrete. They are made of cultivated loyalty. Enduring networks. Strategic generosity. And the unspoken understanding that confronting him politically is not simply difficult. It is often futile and absurd.

The atmosphere at the ward centre resembled less a political exercise and more a carnival of affirmation. Supporters, community leaders, women groups, youths, and party faithful gathered not to determine an outcome but to endorse a grace carrier already settled in the public imagination. The votes were counted without end. The votes were celebrated.

Here is the remarkable part.

The whispers surrounding Akpabio’s dominance do not come only from admirers. They come from seeming opponents too.

They do not fear his voice. They fear his results. They do not tremble at confrontation. They confront something more sobering: the recognition that within his political territory, the arithmetic has been solved with almost clinical precision.

While others are still assembling coalitions, Akpabio consolidated his long ago. While rivals continue calculating delegate figures, he has already moved to the next question: what happens after victory? How does political power translate into enduring relevance and measurable impact?

That is the distinction between a career politician and a political architect. One chases office. The other shapes the terrain on which the chase itself occurs.

Since assuming office as President of the 10th Senate, Akpabio has projected a measure of stability within the Red Chamber. That should not be understated.

The Nigerian Senate has earned a reputation for turbulence over the years. Leadership rebellions. Internal fractures. Floor dramas that generate headlines while weakening governance and social democratic structures. Against that backdrop, a Senate President capable of maintaining institutional stability without recurring crises becomes more than merely effective. He becomes uncommon.

His admirers see in him a politician who has consistently combined institutional authority with emotional loyalty from his base through the National to International arena. From Governor to Minister to Senate President, his rise is framed as the journey of a man who understood tomorrow before others arrived there. A politician deeply conscious of timing, alignment, and the delicate craft of converting social capital into durable influence and uncommon power (political capital).

This point matters enormously. Political capital is easy to squander. This point matters enormously. Political goodwill is easy to destroy. Many politicians exhaust it through arrogance, exclusion, or the endless pursuit of personal advantage. But Akpabio appears to understand something deeper about leadership: goodwill grows when people genuinely feel seen, valued, included, and carried along.
Over the years, he has cultivated relationships not merely through politics, but through accessibility, generosity of spirit, loyalty to associates, and an unusual ability to make people feel remembered even in the midst of high office. That is why his support structure often appears less like a coalition held together by convenience and more like a community bound by shared experience and enduring personal connection.
What some interpret merely as political dominance may actually be the long-term harvest of sustained human investment.
And perhaps that explains the ease with which the field gradually cleared around him. Not because opposition was forcibly silenced, but because many within the political environment saw little wisdom in disrupting a consensus built around continuity, stability, experience, and an existing relationship of trust.
His commitment to continue working closely with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Umo Eno reinforces a broader message of continuity and strategic alignment. At a time when fragmentation remains the temptation of many ambitious actors, Senator Akpabio has chosen coordination. That is not a weakness. It is political arithmetic.

And this is where the conversation shifts from the present to the near future. The same political capital that secured his senatorial return without resistance is not a one-use currency. It accumulates. It compounds. The goodwill he has cultivated, the equilibrium he has maintained, and the pragmatic preference for results over rhetoric are not merely tools for another Senate term. They form the foundation of something larger and forthcoming.

The crystal ball is not required to observe the trajectory. A Senate President who secures his own return effortlessly, stabilises a chamber historically associated with instability, aligns himself with the centre of national power grid while maintaining grassroots legitimacy, is a Senate President who has solved one of Nigerian politics’ most difficult equations.

He has demonstrated to his colleagues that he can deliver. He has shown the party hierarchy that he can be trusted. He has reassured constituents that proximity to power has not disconnected him from them.

This combination is rarer than any single attribute standing alone. So when the 11th Senate eventually convenes and the question of leadership emerges once again, the conversation may prove shorter than many anticipate. Not because there will be no interested contenders. There always are. But because the arithmetic of loyalty, institutional experience, strategic alignment, and demonstrated political capacity will already have completed its quiet work.

Akpabio has not formally declared interest in leading the 11th Senate. He does not need to. The declaration already exists in the pattern of his movements, the stability of his stewardship, and the political field he has cleared without visible strain. It is simply the discipline of reading political signs as they present themselves* .

In the end, Nigerian politics rewards those who understand the people more deeply than those who merely master performance and noise.That is not sentimentality. It is a political reality.

A politician capable of delivering his constituency without violence, panic, or emergency intervention is a politician who understands something fundamental: power is never truly declared. It is demonstrated. And it is demonstrated most convincingly when nobody steps forward to challenge it.

On that Monday in Ukana, the drums rolled. Praises echoed across the gathering. And the political message arrived without ambiguity. In Akwa Ibom North West, the conversation has moved beyond opposition. What remains is an audience waiting to see the next chapter unfold without ceasing.

Senator Godswill Akpabio has once again reminded observers that in certain political spaces, dominance is not always loud.

Sometimes, it is simply complete. And in the intricate chessboard of Nigerian politics, where many players are still learning how the pieces move, that level of mastery remains rare, consequential, and deeply potent.

The man who saw tomorrow understood something else too. The loudest voice in the room is rarely the one that prevails.

The one that prevails is the one that no longer needs to shout because everybody already understands. And that is what Senator Godswill Akpabio has demonstrated that he is the man who saw tomorrow.

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr is a former member and Spokesperson of the House of Representatives and currently Special Adviser, Media/Publicity and official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate

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Senate rule amendment: Why the debate should be about institutional stability, not personalities

Published

5 days ago

May 18, 2026

Whirlwindnews

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh

The controversy surrounding the recent amendment to the Senate Standing Rules has generated more heat than light. Unfortunately, much of the public conversation has been framed around personalities rather than principles, and emotions rather than institutional logic. Yet the real issue before the Senate is neither about Senator Godswill Akpabio nor Senator Adams Oshiomhole. It is about whether legislative institutions should evolve, strengthen themselves, and create continuity mechanisms that deepen parliamentary stability.

Every serious institution in the world periodically reviews its rules, procedures, and qualifications in response to emerging realities. Legislatures are not exempted from this process of institutional self-correction and growth. In fact, the refusal to review procedures in the face of experience is often a sign of stagnation, not democracy.

The recent amendment requiring senators seeking certain presiding and principal offices to possess a minimum level of legislative experience should therefore be viewed through the broader prism of institutional development rather than through narrow political calculations.

Parliamentary leadership is not merely ceremonial. The office of Senate President is one of the most sensitive and technically demanding constitutional offices in Nigeria. It requires not only political popularity but also deep familiarity with parliamentary traditions, legislative procedures, negotiation dynamics, committee systems, constitutional interpretation, and intergovernmental relations. Experience matters.

Around the world, mature legislatures often evolve unwritten and written traditions that favour institutional memory and legislative continuity. Such measures are not necessarily designed to exclude people; they are often intended to preserve stability, reduce avoidable turbulence, and ensure that those entrusted with managing highly sensitive parliamentary processes possess sufficient procedural grounding.

Critics who fear that experience requirements create a closed, self perpetuating oligarchy are not entirely without reason. Many legislatures have, at various points, used procedural thresholds to entrench incumbents rather than protect institutional wisdom. But the answer to that legitimate concern is not to abandon minimum standards altogether. It is to ensure that the bar is set at a reasonable, not prohibitive, level. A requirement of, say, one full term or demonstrated committee leadership is a safeguard against chaos, not a moat against renewal. The Senate must therefore commit to reviewing this threshold periodically, lest a tool of stability calcify into a ceiling on ambition.

Experience without openness becomes arrogance; openness without experience becomes amateurism. The amendment under scrutiny tilts toward the latter’s correction, but it must not be understood as a final word. What truly elevates an institution is not a single rule change but a culture that values both seasoned judgment and fresh perspective. That means pairing experience requirements with transparent mechanisms for advancement, seniority systems that reward competence, not mere longevity, and leadership elections that remain genuinely contested, not coronations.

Seen from this perspective, the amendment is neither unusual nor inherently anti democratic. Rather, it reflects the Senate’s attempt to refine its internal processes based on accumulated experience.

It is therefore inaccurate to reduce the issue to the suggestion that the amendment was crafted merely to “shrink competition” or protect personal interests. Institutions do not become stronger by permanently freezing their rules in time. They grow by learning from experience and adjusting procedures where necessary to protect efficiency, order, and continuity.

Even more problematic is the argument suggesting that because the new qualification threshold did not exist when Senator Godswill Akpabio emerged as Senate President, he should now resign if the new rule is adopted. Such reasoning fundamentally misunderstands one of the oldest principles of jurisprudence and democratic governance: laws are generally prospective, not retroactive.

A law or rule takes effect from the point of enactment forward unless expressly stated otherwise. The amendment cannot logically invalidate a mandate that was legitimately acquired under previously existing rules. Senator Akpabio contested and emerged as Senate President under the constitutional and procedural framework that existed at the time. To argue otherwise would amount to applying today’s standards to yesterday’s circumstances, which is neither legally sustainable nor institutionally rational.

Following that logic, every constitutional amendment would invalidate previous actions taken under earlier provisions, thereby throwing governance into perpetual instability.

What should matter now is whether the amendment serves the long term interest of the institution. That is the proper question, not whether it benefits or disadvantages any single individual in the immediate moment.

Interestingly, many of the world’s strongest democratic institutions evolved precisely through incremental procedural reforms. Rules governing tenure, committee leadership, succession, seniority, and qualification standards were not static from inception; they emerged through continuous refinement driven by practical governance realities.

It is also important to note that continuity in leadership structures is not necessarily an enemy of democracy. Stability can strengthen democracy when balanced with fairness and openness. A legislature perpetually trapped in leadership uncertainty, procedural inexperience, and internal volatility weakens not only itself but the democratic process as a whole.

Every rule amendment asks the same underlying question: whom does the institution trust to lead it? When a legislature decides that a Senate President should have served a minimum period as a legislator, it is making a quiet but profound statement about the nature of political authority. It is saying that raw popularity or executive favour is not enough, that the stewardship of a co equal branch requires earned familiarity with its rhythms and restraints. That is not elitism. It is institutional self respect. And in a democracy, institutions that do not respect themselves are unlikely to be respected by the public they serve.

This is why the current debate should rise above personal disagreements or chamber theatrics. Nigerians expect lawmakers to approach institutional reforms with intellectual honesty and statesmanship rather than framing every procedural amendment through the lens of political rivalry.

Senator Adams Oshiomhole is entitled to his views, as every senator is. Debate is healthy in democracy. Dissent is legitimate. However, the conversation should be anchored on whether the amendment strengthens the Senate as an enduring institution, not whether it immediately advances or obstructs the ambitions of specific politicians.

Ultimately, institutions outlive individuals. Senate Presidents will come and go. Senators will rise and fall. But the rules and traditions established today may shape legislative stability for decades to come.

That is why this matter deserves to be viewed not through the narrow window of self interest, but through the wider lens of institutional maturity, continuity, and the long term health of Nigeria’s parliamentary democracy.

Experience matters.

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh, mnipr, is a former member and spokesperson of the House of Representatives and currently Special Adviser on Media/Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate.

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Oshiomhole: Akpabio continues to project leadership rooted in partnership, not division

Published

2 weeks ago

May 11, 2026

Whirlwindnews

A recent video of Senator Adams Oshiomhole praising Senate President Godswill Obot Akpabio has once again drawn national attention to the leadership style of the 10th National Assembly.

In the widely circulated clip, Oshiomhole described Akpabio’s leadership as exceptional, noting that the Senate President has succeeded in attracting politicians from opposition parties into the APC without intimidation, coercion, or public hostility.

According to Oshiomhole, several political actors who were once fierce opponents of the ruling party are now joining the APC voluntarily because of the atmosphere of accommodation and engagement fostered by Akpabio. In his characteristic humorous style, Oshiomhole even suggested that Akpabio deserved a Guinness World Record for engineering such political realignments with remarkable ease.

The comments have naturally generated debate. Supporters of the Senate President see them as validation of Akpabio’s bridge-building capacity, his ability to reduce political tension, and his commitment to consensus-driven leadership. Critics, predictably, dismiss the remarks as routine political praise often associated with power dynamics. Yet Senator Adams Oshiomhole has long cultivated a reputation for speaking his mind regardless of political convenience, personal relationships, or prevailing sentiments. That is precisely why his remarks have attracted unusual attention within political circles.

However, beyond the noise, one fact remains undeniable: the leadership of the 10th Senate has emerged as one of the most discussed and consequential institutions since the inauguration of the current administration.

Since assuming office in June 2023, Akpabio has consistently projected himself as a leader committed to stability, inclusion, and institutional cooperation. In his inaugural address as Senate President, he described his emergence not as a personal triumph but as a collective victory for democracy and national unity. He pledged to lead with fairness, integrity, and teamwork while placing national interest above partisan considerations.

Recognizing that disagreement is natural in any democracy, he nevertheless argued that the Senate must rise above division and focus on its constitutional responsibilities of lawmaking, oversight, security, and economic reform.

That message resonated deeply at a time when Nigerians were already anxious about governance challenges, economic uncertainty, and widening political polarization.

Akpabio promised a Senate that would work constructively with the Executive without abandoning its constitutional duty as a check on power. He described the institution as “a Senate for all Nigerians,” while repeatedly emphasizing the ideals of “servant leadership” and “uncommon leadership” — phrases that have since become closely associated with his political identity.

This leadership approach has brought a measure of calm and stability to the Senate. Unlike previous assemblies that were often characterized by internal turmoil and prolonged confrontations with the Executive, the 10th Senate has maintained a functional and productive relationship with the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

For many political observers, such cooperation has become increasingly necessary in a period marked by inflationary pressures, insecurity, unemployment, and mounting debt obligations.

Several public figures have openly endorsed Akpabio’s leadership style. Governor Monday Okpebholo has praised his transformational and development-oriented approach, while Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu described him as visionary, patriotic, and instrumental in strengthening the National Assembly as an institution.

Akpabio has also received multiple recognitions for legislative integrity, institutional leadership, and democratic governance, further reinforcing his leadership credentials.

At the international level, Senator Allwell Heacho Onyesoh credited the Senate President with helping Nigeria regain visibility and relevance within the Inter-Parliamentary Union, describing it as a significant diplomatic achievement. To many observers, this reflects a leadership that is increasingly conscious of Nigeria’s image beyond domestic politics.

Akpabio has repeatedly emphasized inclusiveness as a governing philosophy. Across several public engagements, he has advocated greater opportunities for women, expanded support for persons living with disabilities, youth empowerment, innovation, and technology-driven growth.

He has consistently argued that Nigeria’s future depends largely on preparing young people for a knowledge-based economy while creating legislative frameworks that encourage entrepreneurship, technological advancement, and alternative revenue streams beyond oil dependency.

This philosophy is perhaps most visibly reflected in his home state of Akwa Ibom State, where the working relationship between Akpabio and Governor Umo Eno has significantly altered the state’s political atmosphere.

Both leaders have consistently promoted inclusive politics, helping to reduce tensions and foster a stronger sense of participation among political stakeholders and ordinary citizens alike. The result has been increased cooperation across party lines and broader support for developmental initiatives within the state.

Rather than encouraging rivalry or political fragmentation, Akpabio has openly supported Governor Eno’s developmental agenda, helping to de-escalate political tensions and strengthen public confidence in governance. For many residents, governance in Akwa Ibom now appears less like a contest for personal supremacy and more like a coordinated effort toward collective progress.

Akpabio’s support has also enhanced Akwa Ibom’s visibility at the federal level. As Senate President, his influence has helped attract greater national attention to the state, encouraging stronger collaboration between Akwa Ibom and the Federal Government on infrastructure, human capital development, and economic initiatives.

The political stability arising from this cooperation has equally reassured investors and development partners, who traditionally prefer predictable political environments before committing resources.

Governor Eno’s administration has benefited considerably from this atmosphere of stability. Policies relating to rural development, agriculture, job creation, and social welfare have enjoyed wider acceptance because political leaders within the state are no longer pulling in opposing directions.

Many political observers now regard this partnership as one of the most stable and constructive political relationships witnessed in Akwa Ibom State since its creation.

These developments align closely with President Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, which seeks to reposition the Nigerian economy through fiscal reforms, infrastructure development, investment attraction, and institutional restructuring.

The administration’s difficult but strategic decisions — including fuel subsidy removal, exchange rate reforms, and fiscal adjustments — have been defended by government officials as necessary foundations for long-term national recovery and growth, despite the temporary hardship they have imposed on citizens.

This reality makes the role of the National Assembly even more critical. The legislature must not only pass reform-oriented laws but also ensure rigorous oversight to guarantee that government policies ultimately translate into measurable benefits for ordinary Nigerians.

Akpabio has repeatedly assured Nigerians that the Senate will continue to protect national interest while supporting policies capable of driving economic recovery and sustainable development.

Even amid the growing commendations directed at him, Akpabio often redirects much of the credit to President Tinubu, presenting himself as part of a broader national team rather than as a solitary political force.

He has consistently praised the President’s efforts to restore investor confidence, rebuild public trust, and reposition Nigeria through the Renewed Hope Agenda.

He frequently references major national infrastructure projects such as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway and the Lagos–Maiduguri corridor as evidence of long-term strategic planning aimed at reconnecting neglected regions and modernizing transportation infrastructure across the country.

Akpabio has equally highlighted the establishment of regional development commissions across Nigeria’s geopolitical zones as evidence of a deliberate effort to ensure inclusiveness and balanced national development. In a nation often challenged by ethnic and regional tensions, such messaging continues to resonate strongly.

On matters of security, the Senate President has remained publicly supportive of ongoing military operations against terrorism, insurgency, banditry, kidnapping, and other violent crimes. At a time when security remains one of the nation’s gravest concerns, his support reinforces the image of institutional cooperation between the legislature and the Executive.

One particularly notable aspect of his recent political messaging has been his reference to growing endorsements for President Tinubu ahead of the 2027 elections. According to Akpabio, such endorsements are not arbitrary political gestures but are rooted in what supporters perceive as visible governance outcomes.

Oshiomhole’s remarks also reveal an enduring reality in Nigerian politics: party strength is no longer measured solely by electoral victories but increasingly by the ability to attract influential figures from rival political platforms. Political defections often symbolize shifting national power dynamics, and Oshiomhole’s comments portray Akpabio as a leader capable of expanding political influence through persuasion rather than confrontation.

Still, Akpabio continues to present himself as a leader who prefers partnership over division. His speeches consistently emphasize dialogue, teamwork, inclusiveness, and national cohesion. He regularly reminds lawmakers that although they may have emerged through different political parties, they ultimately represent one nation and one people.

Whether one agrees with his politics or not, Akpabio has undeniably become one of the most visible, influential, and closely watched political figures in contemporary Nigeria. His ability to maintain cohesion within the Senate, sustain alignment with the presidency, and attract endorsements from major political actors has significantly consolidated his standing within the national political landscape.

For supporters, this continued momentum further reinforces the sobriquet that has followed him for years: the “Uncommon Transformer.”

Rt. Hon. Eseme Eyiboh, MNIPR

Special Adviser, Media and Publicity, and Official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate

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