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APGA vs Soludo: What happens to APGA candidates when their leader chants “APC”?

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By Okwudili Onwuamaeze

No one can deny that Anambra has made quantum leaps in 19 years under APGA. That success explains why the people call it “Nke anyi” — “our own” — despite years of attempts by other parties to dislodge APGA from Agu Awka, Government House.

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APGA has also maintained an unwritten synergy with whoever sits in Aso Rock. This non-confrontational posture has helped Anambra governors secure perks and tacit support from the centre, regardless of party differences. Because of this, rumours of defection have always trailed APGA governors.

But while Peter Obi and Willie Obiano stood firm in APGA, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo’s tenure has faced the loudest defection rumours to APC. And for good reason. His open dalliance with APC, the near-collapse of APGA BOT meetings, and the failure to launch the cooperative funding model he promised on day one have weakened the party. Today, APGA survives largely on the quiet sacrifice of stakeholders at all levels.

With other governors defecting to APC, Soludo’s jump looked inevitable. Instead, he has sold us “Progressives Are Working Together” — a smokescreen that masks anti-party activity. He now appears regularly with the APC Governors’ Forum. His deputy, Dr. Onyekachukwu Ibezim, is a fixture at their meetings.

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Political watchers say Soludo didn’t defect because he knows he lacks populist appeal. He won a second term, but Anambra voters clearly want APGA’s tradition of stability, not a party switch.

Yet riding on “progressive ideals,” Soludo took his alignment with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, to a new level. On June 15, 2026, at Abakaliki Mini Stadium during Ebonyi’s 2nd-term endorsement rally for Gov. Francis Nwifuru and President Tinubu, Soludo mounted the podium and chanted: “APC! APC! APC!”

This wasn’t his first time short-selling APGA. But this one stings more because it comes right before a pivotal election year when APGA has candidates on the ballot at all levels.

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The question begs an answer: Does Soludo care about APGA’s future? What becomes of APGA candidates when their leader campaigns for another party?

Hear Soludo in Abakaliki:
“I’ve come in solidarity because Progressives are working together. It is time for Progressives to unite… We must move from alliance for protest to alliance for progress… We must not waste our votes again.”
“Ofeke amarọ mgbe ekee nku Ukwa. Kama efi anyi ga agbafelu ọsọ anyi egbubelu a ọdu.”

Against this open endorsement of APC, what is the fate of APGA candidates? What even counts as anti-party today, in this era of mercenary politicians and manufactured party crises?

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In Anambra, while Soludo leads APGA, Peter Obi will be on the ballot as NDC’s presidential candidate. Soludo is already telling voters that supporting anyone else is “wasting Igbo votes.” So how do APGA candidates for Senate and House of Reps navigate this minefield with an electorate that has proven its independence?

The debate is already raging: will “thunder strike twice” with another Obi wave? Mix that with Soludo’s “Vote APC” directive, and you see the confusion APGA candidates will face at the polls.

Prof. Soludo has every right to choose his allies. But does that right override the right of APGA voters and Ndigbo to party loyalty? Time will tell.

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My ten kobo advice to APGA candidates: Stake your ground now. Go to your constituencies. Tell voters clearly where you stand and what you offer. Draw the line between you, APGA, APC, and NDC.

As our fathers say: Whoever fetches ant-infested firewood invites lizards to a feast.

Onwuamaeze writes from Nri.

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BREAKING: Reps abandon bill on state police, adopt Tinubu’s version!

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All is now set for the wholesome debate on President Bola Tinubu’s proposal for the creation of state police, with members of the House of Representatives, abandoning their own version of the pitch in favour of that of the executive.

The development, which was part of Tuesday’s plenary, saw the members began an accelerated hearing on the version of the legislation submitted by the President recently, leading to its speedily racing through the first and second readings to rest at the committee stage.

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After the Green Chambers adopted the presidential version, effectively suspending the House’s earlier proposal, and attention shifted to the Executive-backed amendment, the document was transported to the House Committee on Constitutional Review for further legislative action.

The Executive bill is expected to undergo detailed scrutiny at the committee stage, where lawmakers will examine its key provisions before it is returned to the floor for further consideration.

 

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BREAKING! Appeal Court halts Atiku! Says, Mark can’t be ADC Chairman!

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Atiku Abubakar seventh attempt at the presidency has been halted by the Court of Appeal in Abuja, which held that David Mark is not the fit and proper person to assume the position of the National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) – the camp that produced the former Vice President as candidate of the party.

Hours after the former VP, who had attempted the bid for the nation’s number one job and is on the seventh edition by virtue of his nomination for the 2027 presidential election by the Mark, agreed with the position of the Federal High Court, Abuja, restraining the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) from recognising or participating in any state congresses organised by the former Senate President.

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Justice Okon Abang, while reading the lead-judgement in the three-to-one split, said there was no reason for the appellate court to set aside the April 29 order by the lower court, adding that Justice Joyce Abdulmalik, who barred Mark and his executives from interfering with the tenure and functions of the party’s elected state executives, was in order.

Agreeing that the responsibility for conducting state congresses of political parties rested with elected state executive committees and not with the national leadership, he ordered INEC not to recognise the executive produced as a result of the defective process.

Though his position was echoed by Donatus Okorowo in the majority, Justice Abba Mohammed, who disagreed sharply, with a dissenting judgment, held that the case that precipitated the restraining order bordered on a non-justiciable internal affair of a political party, adding that lower court was wrong to have assumed jurisdiction to entertain the matter.

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Lest we forget: Ibom Deep Seaport and Senator Godswill Akpabio — A prophecy foretold?

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By Ken Harries Esq

Some speeches disappear with the applause that greets them. Others acquire greater force with the passing of time. Their words do not change; history simply grows into them. Years later, they resonate with fresh power, not because they have been rewritten, but because the nation has finally arrived at the realities they foresaw.
One such speech was delivered in April 2012 at the 2nd South South Economic Summit in Asaba. There, Senator Godswill Akpabio, then Governor of Akwa Ibom State, presented what many regarded as an ambitious vision for maritime corridor and blue economy development.

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Speaking before political leaders, investors, and development stakeholders at the 2nd South South Economic Summit in Asaba, Akpabio outlined what many regarded as an ambitious vision for a model state in particular and regional development in general. Long before the Ibom Deep Seaport became a national priority, he argued that Nigeria needed new maritime gateways, integrated industrial clusters, aviation maintenance facilities, and modern logistics infrastructure to unlock economic growth. His vision was not simply about building a port; it was about creating an economic ecosystem capable of transforming a region and strengthening the nation’s competitiveness.

Fourteen years later, those remarks read less like political advocacy and more like an economic blueprint whose underlying logic has steadily been vindicated by events and times. Looking back today, his address appears almost prophetic—not because it predicted the future in mystical terms, but because Nigeria has gradually grown into the ideas it contained.

Truly visionary speeches never fade; they gather strength with time. This one deserves renewed attention, not because every prediction has materialised exactly as envisioned, but because it reveals a quality increasingly scarce in public leadership: the ability to think beyond electoral cycles.
Nigeria has never lacked projects. What it has often lacked are leaders willing to imagine the infrastructure of tomorrow while grappling with the demands of today. Akpabio’s vision was shaped by precisely that instinct.

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At a time when public discourse was largely focused on roads and recurrent expenditure, he spoke instead of logistics corridors, industrial ecosystems, aviation maintenance, manufacturing clusters, export processing zones, maritime and blue economy opportunities, and security reform—not as isolated initiatives, but as interconnected pillars of national competitiveness.

His vision for the then proposed Ibaka Deep Seaport, now known as the Ibom Deep Seaport, best illustrates this broader philosophy. Rather than presenting it as another state prestige project, he framed it as a strategic response to structural inefficiencies in Nigeria’s maritime sector and the wider economy. He argued that the Lagos ports were already burdened by severe congestion, with vessels waiting for extended periods to berth, driving up costs, disrupting supply chains, and delaying the delivery of critical imports, including pharmaceuticals.

His objective, however, was never to rival Lagos, but to complement it. The distinction is fundamental. No major trading nation concentrates all its strategic maritime infrastructure within a single corridor. Successful economies spread capacity, ease bottlenecks, and create multiple gateways through which commerce can flow efficiently. Nigeria has long recognised this principle in policy documents; Akpabio was among the few public leaders articulating it so clearly more than a decade ago.

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Equally significant was his emphasis on geography. He reminded his audience that Ibaka possessed a naturally deep coastline requiring little or no dredging, with water depths of approximately fifteen to seventeen metres. According to his account, the location had been identified as suitable for a deep seaport as far back as 1963, yet decades passed without meaningful progress. His observation that “being a minority area, there was nobody to push it” reflected a broader concern that strategic national investments have too often been influenced by political considerations rather than economic merit.

Whether one agrees entirely with that assessment is, in many respects, secondary. The larger point is that Akpabio consistently argued that national infrastructure should be driven by economic logic, strategic necessity, and long-term national interest rather than sentiment or political convenience. More than a decade later, that remains a lesson Nigeria is still striving to learn.

Yet, to see the 2012 Asaba address merely as a speech about a deep seaport is to miss its larger significance. The Ibom Deep Seaport was never presented as an end in itself. It was conceived as the anchor of a much broader economic ecosystem—a platform around which industries, manufacturing, aviation, logistics, free trade, and investment could flourish.

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Akpabio envisioned the acquisition of about 14,000 hectares of land to support a self-sustaining industrial city comprising fertiliser and ammonia plants, refining capacity, manufacturing facilities, and a Free Trade Zone. What development economists today describe as industrial clustering was already embedded in his thinking. The port was simply the gateway.

That broader vision deserves a discussion of its own. Today, Ibom Deep Seaport in that Asaba Speech has berthed.

•Ken Harries Esq is an Abuja-based Development Communication Strategist.

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