News
‘To Keep It Coming’: Reflections on Framework Building, Idea Formation and Scholarly Reception
By Max Amuchie | The Sunday Stew
There is a specific kind of validation that academia confers and another that the world confers. The academy signals acceptance through citation, peer review, and the slow machinery of scholarly publication. The world signals it differently — through use. When a scholar picks up your framework not merely to interrogate it, but to build with it, something important has shifted. That is not endorsement. That is adoption.
That is what happened when Dr. Omoniyi Ibietan — Secretary General of the African Public Relations Association (APRA) and a Fellow of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR)—reached for The Insecurity Triad to anchor the theoretical foundations of his paper on crisis communication in the Agatu conflict. He did not cite it as a curiosity. More importantly for this discourse, Ibietan is a member of doctoral faculty at Rome Business School’s DBA programme.
He used it as a load-bearing wall.
His words, addressed to Premium Times editorial page editor Ololade Bamidele, are worth sitting with: the framework took him back to Mbembe, offered fresh insight into, and — and then did something rarer. It shaped what he was about to write. “So compelling was it,” Ibietan noted, “that it shaped my theoretical framing for a new paper I just submitted.”
Ibietan’s message to Bamidele was in response to last week’s edition of The Sunday Stew entiteld: ‘The Insecurity Triad: Azikiwe, Awolowo, and Chinweizu — Nigeria’s Elite Class of Framework Builders’.
Dr Ibietan’s words: “Thank you Ololade Bamidele. Please tell Dr. Amuchie to keep it coming. The first part of this took me back to Mbembe (one of Africa’s leading representation of activistic scholarship). Amuchie offered me a refreshing, lovely insight of the works of (Ali) Mazrui, (Claude) Ake, (Jean-François) Bayart, (William) Reno, especially his treatise on the ‘Relocation of Authority’ and of course Mbembe. It was a meta-analytical enterprise. So, compelling was it that it shaped my theoretical framing for a new paper I just submitted on Crisis Communication in the Agatu Crisis. Needless to say this is also beautiful.”
This is not simply a compliment from a respected scholar. It is evidence of intellectual utility. Scholars are exposed to thousands of ideas during their careers. Very few are incorporated into ongoing research. Fewer still alter the theoretical architecture of work already in development. When an established academic changes the lens through which he interprets a conflict because of a framework he has encountered, that framework has crossed an important threshold. It has moved from proposition to application.
What makes Ibietan’s validation particularly significant is his position within African scholarly and professional networks. He occupies a rare intersection of communication studies, governance research, public policy, and professional practice. His adoption therefore functions as more than an individual scholarly decision. It is an early signal that the Insecurity Triad possesses interdisciplinary reach. A framework developed primarily to explain insecurity and conflict dynamics has proven capable of informing crisis communication research. That is not a small achievement. It suggests conceptual elasticity without sacrificing analytical precision.
What makes this moment even more consequential is that the Insecurity Triad was never designed as a self-contained theoretical exercise. It was built to travel. Its three pillars — Money, Land, and Mind — were deliberately constructed to be analytically portable across conflict environments, governance challenges, and security ecosystems. Ibietan applied it to the Agatu crisis, a deeply localised conflict in Benue State with its own history of farmer-herder tensions, displacement, and contested narratives. The framework held. It supplied categories capable of explaining not only the drivers of insecurity but also the communicative environment surrounding conflict.
That portability is often what separates enduring frameworks from temporary concepts. Many theories explain a single case. The most influential frameworks explain multiple cases without losing explanatory power. They move across disciplines. They generate new questions. They create intellectual bridges between fields that previously appeared unrelated. The early evidence suggests that the Insecurity Triad possesses precisely these qualities.
There is also a broader significance to this moment. African intellectual production has long suffered from a structural asymmetry. Frameworks generated in Europe and North America routinely become the default lenses through which African realities are interpreted, while concepts generated from African experience often struggle to achieve comparable visibility. As a result, African scholars frequently find themselves applying imported theories to indigenous problems rather than exporting indigenous theories to the wider world.
The Insecurity Triad represents an attempt to reverse that flow. It is a framework theorised from Nigerian and Sahelian realities, derived from empirical observations of conflict, governance failures, criminal economies, and social fragmentation. Its ambition is not merely to describe Africa but to contribute to the global vocabulary of security studies.
That is why Ibietan’s engagement matters. Validation from a scholar of his standing demonstrates that the framework is not circulating solely because of media visibility or public debate. It is entering scholarly workflows. It is influencing research design. It is becoming part of the knowledge-production process itself.
His comparison to Mbembe is instructive. Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics did not become influential because people admired it. It became influential because scholars found it useful. It provided explanatory power where existing frameworks fell short. Researchers adopted it, tested it, extended it, and applied it across contexts far removed from its original formulation.
The Insecurity Triad is not Mbembe, nor should it be measured against the trajectory of a mature global theory. But the comparison illuminates an important principle: intellectual influence begins when a framework starts solving analytical problems for other scholars. Ibietan’s adoption suggests that this process may already be underway.
The Agatu application is therefore more than a citation. It is proof of concept. It demonstrates that the framework can survive contact with a different discipline, a different methodology, and a different research question. In academic terms, that is often the first indication that a concept has genuine staying power.
What the scholarly community should watch is not whether the Insecurity Triad receives more praise — praise is abundant and often fleeting — but whether it continues to be used. Frameworks earn their place in the canon not through applause but through repeated deployment. They become influential when researchers begin treating them as tools rather than subjects.
Ibietan’s paper carries the architecture of the Triad into the literature on public relations, crisis communication, and conflict management. Tomorrow another scholar may apply it to political economy, peacebuilding, migration, state legitimacy, or violent extremism. Each application expands the framework’s reach. Each successful application increases its explanatory credibility.
That is how ideas compound. That is how indigenous theories become established traditions. That is how a framework moves from being an author’s insight to becoming part of a field’s intellectual infrastructure.
The Insecurity Triad is now in motion. The significance of Ibietan’s validation lies not simply in who endorsed it, but in what he did with it. He built upon it. He carried it into new terrain. He demonstrated that it travels.
The question is no longer whether the framework can move beyond its point of origin. It already has.
The question now is how far it will travel.
Unveiling the DSI in The Sunday Stew
As an undergraduate at the University of Calabar, one of the first sets of books to catch my attention was The Open Society and Its Enemies, Karl Popper’s landmark two-volume 1945 work of political philosophy. In it, he passionately defended liberal democracy and mounted a fierce critique of totalitarianism. The other book of his I picked up was The Poverty of Historicism published in 1957, where he attacked the intellectual and logical validity of authoritarian teleology. While The Poverty of Historicism targeted the foundational logic, The Open Society dismantled the devastating political consequences of totalitarian rule.
However, long before he turned his sights on totalitarianism, the Austrian-British philosopher had already revolutionised western epistemology. In his groundbreaking 1934 book, The Logic of Scientific Discovery (Logik der Forschung), Popper introduced the concept of falsifiability as a solution to the demarcation problem—the question of how to distinguish between genuine science and non-science (such as pseudoscience, metaphysics, or myth). At its core, the concept insists that for a theory to be considered scientific, it must be falsifiable. This means there must be at least one logically possible observation, metric, or experiment that could prove the theory wrong. A theory that explains everything, explains nothing.
For three consecutive weeks in this column beginning on April 26, I laid bare the Trinity of State Decay (TSD)—a macro-diagnostic theory mapping how nations fracture into dual or competing sovereignties. I analysed how this structural deterioration plays out in Nigeria and across the wider Sahelian context. Yet, the theory is fundamentally scalable; it applies to all contexts and geographies where the devastating conditions of the Insecurity Triad take root, from the fault lines of Latin America to the fragile corridors of Southeast Asia.
But to save the Trinity of State Decay from the graveyard of mere political commentary or fluid narrative, it must meet Popper’s uncompromising standard. It must be measurable. It must be testable. It must expose itself to empirical refutation.
By anchoring the theoretical formulation to quantitative metrics, I provide international organisations and the global scholarly, policymaking and intelligence communities with a verifiable yardstick. If the state’s legal authority and empirical reality remain tightly bound, the index will prove it; if they are violently drifting apart, the index will map the velocity of that separation.
Next week, therefore, I cross that scientific Rubicon. I will unveil the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI).
I am moving from description to diagnosis.
Trust is sacred. Stay seasoned.
•Dr. Max Amuchie is the CEO of Sundiata Post and architect of The Insecurity Triad and Trinity of State Decay. He writes The Sunday Stew, a weekly syndicated column on faith, character, and the forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria and Africa in a global context.
X — @MaxAmuchie | Email: max.a@sundiatapost.com | Tel: +234(0)8053069436
Godswill Akpabio, Nigeria’s Senate President, on Friday, pushed back against reports quoting him as promising to retrieve tickets from winners of the All Progressives Congress (APC), in lieu of sitting senators, who failed at the party’s primaries recently.
He also spoke on the issue of the comprehensive probe called by Adams Oshiomhole, former Governor of Edo State, now Senator representing Edo North at the National Assembly, clarifying his position on the matte, which has since raised a lot of dust within the polity.
The twin issues, dominated the outcome of proceedings on Thursday, on the day the Senators returned after going on recess to participate in the party primaries that took place across board in Nigeria in line with the electoral outlay of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
Akpabio, former Governor of Akwa Ibom State, former Minister of the Niger Delta and now Chairman of the National Assembly, who conveyed his position through Eseme Eyiboh, his spokesman, denied ever making such promise to his colleagues, as it went against the grain of democratic ethos, which he had vowed to uphold.
Regarding the probe of the military, Akpabio, in the statement, stressed the need not to distract the institution, but provide it with all the needed support, giving the parlous security situation in the country, its personnel had been battling relentless.
The statement read in full: “The attention of the Office of the President of the Senate has been drawn to misleading reports circulating in sections of the media suggesting that the President of the Senate has promised to secure senatorial tickets for senators who lost their party primaries.
“We must categorically assert that this report does not reflect the position of the President of the Senate. For the record, Senator Akpabio has neither made nor authorised to be made such promise.
“What the President of the Senate actually said, in the course of interacting with his colleagues, was to empathise with senators who were affected by the outcome of their primary elections.
“He assured them that the leadership of the All Progressives Congress, (APC), is actively working to address all issues arising from the primaries and that the final list of candidates will be released in due course in line with the party’s constitution and electoral guidelines.
“Senator Akpabio remains committed to party discipline, due process, and the internal mechanisms of the APC for resolving disputes. He will not interfere with the autonomous processes of the party or make commitments that are outside the purview of the National Assembly leadership.
“The office also notes another report quoting a distinguished Senator on the need for the Senate to probe the military over recent security incidents. While legislative oversight is a constitutional responsibility of the National Assembly, Senator Akpabio’s position is that this is not the opportune moment for a public probe of the Armed Forces.
“At a time when our troops are engaged on multiple fronts against terrorism, banditry and other threats to National Security, subjecting the military to a public legislative inquisition could undermine morale and operational focus.
“The Senate President believes strongly that support, collaboration and closed-door engagements with security agencies are more productive at this critical time. Oversight will be exercised responsibly, without creating distractions that embolden adversaries or divert attention from the urgent task of securing Nigeria.
“Senator Akpabio urges the media and the public to disregard sensational and inaccurate misrepresentation of his remarks and to always seek clarification from his office before publication.”
No candidate was imposed neither was any member barred from participating in the process, the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), said on Thursday, which defending the integrity of the exercise, which ended on May 29.
In a statement by Ikenna Enekweizu, National Secretary, party said that all aspirants were given a fair opportunity to participate in the democratic process, adding that the selection process was driven by consultation, consensus-building, and stakeholder engagement through established leadership structures across the country.
Stressing that its National Secretariat was never involved in the business of picking, choosing, or imposing candidates on any constituency or state, contrary to allegations that have emerged following the conclusion of the primaries, the statement added: “At no time has the NDC National Secretariat been involved in the business of picking, choosing, or imposing candidates on any constituency or state.
“Aspirants seeking elective positions were directed to engage with caucus leaders, stakeholders, and grassroots members in their respective states, who were responsible for consultations and recommendations based on local political realities. In the South-East geopolitical zone, our presidential candidate, Peter Obi, joined the party with an existing network of respected political leaders and elder statesmen who currently serve as caucus heads across the region.
“These include former governors and senior political figures such as Sam Egwu, Okwesilieze Nwodo, and Achike Udenwa, among others. The party explained that these leaders were tasked with conducting stakeholder consultations and helping build consensus around aspirants in their respective states.
“These leaders were entrusted with conducting stakeholder consultations, building consensus, and making recommendations to the party based on their understanding of the peculiar political dynamics in their respective states.
“Aspirants who disagreed with stakeholder recommendations were not excluded from the process but were allowed to test their popularity through grassroots primaries. This process was conducted without prejudice to the rights of any aspirant. Where aspirants disagreed with recommendations made by stakeholders or caucus leaders, they were free to test their popularity through the democratic process at the grassroots level, and this was duly accommodated,” the party said.
Addressing concerns raised by some aspirants following the primaries, the NDC acknowledged reports of individuals prematurely declaring themselves candidates as well as complaints regarding aspects of the process.
However, it maintained that such issues had been referred to the party’s appeal panel and leadership for resolution.
The statement also highlighted the party’s commitment to affirmative action and greater female participation in politics, noting that efforts had been made to encourage women to seek elective offices while also considering the interests of serving lawmakers.
Looking ahead, the NDC announced plans to begin a broad reconciliation process aimed at healing divisions and strengthening party unity after the conclusion of the primaries.
“As resolved at yesterday’s NEC meeting, we now look forward to the commencement of a comprehensive reconciliation process. We count on our esteemed caucus leaders, state chairmen, stakeholders, and party leaders to engage all aspirants and members in the interest of unity, cohesion, and the continued growth of our party.”
The party reiterated that its role throughout the nomination process was primarily to welcome new members and aspirants, reassure them of its commitment to fairness and transparency, and direct them to the appropriate caucus structures for participation in party affairs.
According to the NDC, the approach reflects its commitment to internal democracy, consultation, inclusiveness, and respect for established leadership structures as it continues preparations for future elections.
Idi Abbas, Chief of the Naval Staff (CNS), on Friday, prayed for a legislation to establish a special court to try those caught in the business of stealing crude oil in Nigeria, saying the current general law was not too helpful in stemming the tide.
It was also a day he claimed that the powerful forces behind the syndicate had a way of projecting fronts while remaining behind the scene, which made it almost impossible to track them to face justice.
In fact, Abbas, a Vice Admiral, revealed that the operation was so perfect that those arrested at illegal refining sites were usually low-level operatives with little knowledge of the larger criminal network.
A guest on Sunrise Daily, a breakfast programme on Channels Television, the Naval Chief noted that many of those apprehended during operations are merely workers paid small sums, adding that such a complex structure of oil theft syndicates made it difficult to identify and prosecute the individuals who orchestrate the criminal enterprise.
“Most of the faces behind these thefts are not really known or are not the ones we always catch. The ones we get at most of the illegal refinery sites are just being given some paltry sum, while the big masquerades are the ones that make the real money. Prosecuting suspects is often complicated by the fact that many of those arrested have little or no information about the people directing the operations.
“In trying to prosecute some of these people that we get, some of them don’t even know who they are working for. So, the network is a very delicate one.
“But despite the challenges the Nigerian Navy and other security agencies are continually refining their strategies to counter the evolving tactics of oil thieves. As they are evolving strategies, we are also evolving new strategies. Like I keep saying, technology is the way forward. With that, we have been able to reduce the level of theft.”
Stating that the adoption of technology-driven surveillance, intelligence gathering and monitoring systems had significantly enhanced efforts to curb crude oil theft and protect critical national assets, he reaffirmed the commitment of the Nigerian Navy to sustaining operations against oil theft, stressing that collaboration among security agencies, stakeholders and host communities remains essential to safeguarding the nation’s oil resources.
The naval boss while assuring that Nigeria’s coastal and riverine communities are relatively safe, said the Nigerian Navy had made significant progress in reducing threats along the coast, particularly illegal oil-related activities and sea robbery.
“As it stands today, I can say that our coastal areas and the riverine areas are relatively safe. While crude oil theft and isolated cases of sea robbery remain areas of concern, the Navy has been largely successful in containing such activities through intensified surveillance and enforcement operations.
Hear him: “What we are contending with mostly there is the issue of crude oil theft and some pockets of sea robbery, which we are able to curtail. There is need for the establishment of a special court dedicated to prosecuting maritime crimes.
“This court will focus exclusively on cases involving crude oil theft and other maritime-related offences, helping to address delays associated with the conventional judicial process. The establishment of such a court would significantly accelerate the dispensation of justice and reduce the burden currently placed on the Navy in maintaining seized vessels and other exhibits pending the conclusion of lengthy court processes.
“If we have that in place, I believe the dispensation of justice will be done much faster and then ease the burden of keeping and maintaining some of the arrested vessels, which will be taken off from us because we spend a lot to maintain those vessels under our custody.”
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