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Itiboribo ajoka: Stop Okpebholo’s before he enforces his fatwa on Obi
By Sunny Igboanugo
For many citizens and outsiders watching events in Nigeria, hear me. Don’t dismiss with the wave of the hand the threat of Monday Okpebholo, Governor of Edo State. Never ignore an iti-boribo or dare his raised fist – you’re making a fatal error.
What’s iti-boribo? I’ll explain shortly. Iti is lighter. But Iti-boribo is the extreme form of daftness – I mean, mental density – dull-wittedness – intellectual vacuity – rational-vapidity, phrenic-blandness – a blank mind, incapable of logic or objective thoughts – an intellectual mistake!
In most cases, it’s a dangerous state of being. But in others, it is very useful. It only depends on the circumstances. Take your mind back to those days in schools. I don’t know what happens in today’s age of the internet, social media and computers, those in our days when schooling was a bitter-sweet experience – without school-runs, school buses and children confronted all manner of elements on their ways to and from schools.
The imprimatur of iti-boribo was everywhere, in different shapes and sizes. Think of your individual samples, experiences and your own versions. Let me attempt one or two myself.
There was one called Kpoti in my primary school! That was his generic name, in school and community. It’s difficult to remember his real name. On this particular day, a sudden uproar halted all activities. Even we the “infants” already enjoying our recess had to pause to the noise from the “Primary,” our seniors still in session.
Kpoti, the archetypal iti-boribo – the highest level of the term, had on this day, delivered a grand performance of his iti-boriborism. The English teacher, had asked him to make a sentence with children.
Looking over the classroom wall, which some of us saw as the biblical wall of Jerico, but which he towered over, he delivered the thunder – “The Children are wuharing na field.” Nwughari in Igbo meant group movement like in a market. In this instance, it was the onomatopoeic expression of the children are playing in the field. That was the end of the day’s class. The teacher couldn’t take it any longer. It was the height of daftness – a class performance that resonated beyond the school and till date, still resonates in many quarters.
But the outside, Kpoti was a critical member of the society. He was quite prolific in many other ways. An excellent climber of palm trees, a strongman on the football pitch and outside it, the protector of the school team.
Trust Kpoti with the womenfolk, who he helped in harvesting their palm fruits and tilled their farmlands in addition to other village duties the English language teacher could never dare. Without Kpoti, the football team, would be disembowelled and stripped of the guts. Confronting opponents especially in other communities proved problematic. Who dared engage in any physical fight with the team or its supporters, with Kpoti around? He was the Goliath that protected everyone.
So, intellectualism or lack of it, did not diminish his total worth eventually. In fact, because he built his own formation of brutes that terrorised his environment, he was both feared and respected, such that even the brightest of the pupils simply paid homage to be admitted into his protective wings.
Take another example, Julie. She was the female replica of Kpoti. Also a pupil, but well-established in her own right as an iti-boribo. On this evening, after the close of school, when many of us brought wares to the market for our mothers and later descended on the mango trees surrounding our school.
Unbeknownst to us, while plucking the ripe mangoes, our school vice headmaster was somewhere watching. He later chanced on us and matched us into one of the classrooms. The implication wasn’t lost on anyone. We were still kneeling down awaiting the stings of his trademark akpuruekwe on our backs when Julie did the unthinkable. With an acrobatic, Olympic-style back-flip, she scaled this same classroom wall with a dexterity that would put many athletic high-jumpers to shame and make them gasp with envy.
As she sprinted down the field with the speed sure to leave world sprint record holders green with envy, even the teacher, couldn’t hold back. His symbolic stern mien dissolved into throaty laughter and in the end, all of us were let off the hook as a result.
Now you see that iti-boribo, have their uses. In most cases, whatever they lose in terms of intellectual acuity are compensated in many other ways. In the military, for instance, some of them get to the top of their career by making up what they lost in brainwork with sheer gift of courage and skills of field-battle.
But it is a different kettle of fish to assign them with tasks that require intellectual exercises. That becomes an albatross and, in most cases, not only counterproductive, but signal clear danger to the society. That seems to be the case in this Okpebholo outing.
Who wouldn’t recall how for months on end, the anchors of The Morning Show, the breakfast programme on ARISE NEWS, laboured to bring him as a candidate to discuss his programmes as governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), in the September 21, 2024 election. It never happened. His handlers explained it away that he was too busy with his campaigns to engage the media.
But not a few knew swore that he had mortal fear of the media they would expose him as the Kpoti of Edo State. Well, he has since became and the world is now witnessing the outcome.
First was the presentation of the state budget, last year. Ordinary N605billion that a kindergarten child could 20 minutes of labouring without success. In the end, he simply jumped it. Yet, the budget was approved.
Don’t even question what business a governor of that quality of education has with such a high office. The joke would be on you. It means you don’t know the Nigeria of today and the makeup of its leadership under the APC.
Have you seen the West African Examination Council (WAEC) result he supposedly sat for and obtained at the age of 36 years? Add that to the picture.
But then, it comes handy at this time. Surely, you don’t believe becoming the numero uno in a state like Edo, one of the intellectual bases of Nigeria is by chance. Ask yourself why? Kpoti was never useless. Same here. Those who made him governor, know exactly what they were looking for.
They know that Edo State, is the headquarters of the Obidient Movement – the group of Nigerian youths determined to making Peter Obi President as way of achieving the New Nigeria or their dream. If they must be stopped, there’s only one way – to deploy a Kpoti. They’ve since found one.
In The Godfather – that classic by Mario Puzo – Luca Brasi one of the characters, was depicted as 100 per cent loyal to Don Coleone because he believed there was no life outside him. He lived for nothing else, completely deadened to other societal stimuli that he practically threw the baby fathered by him into a furnace.
The Okpebholo I see would not hesitate to throw Nigeria into the furnace to please his patrons. You heard him boast delivery of 100 per cent Edo votes to APC in 2027. How is he going to achieve this if not go for broke and take no prisoners?
Else what is Obi’s offence? Why would a governor, who ought to roll out the drum to celebrate a philanthropist kind enough to donate a whopping N15million to an institution be the one to shoot the gesture down, when he ought to be harvesting the act as a point of contact for more philanthropy, if anything, to lessen the burden on his shoulders as governor?
Of course, the answer is obvious. The ululations you heard from those students at the School of Nursing, as they sang and danced in praises of Obi, was like a hot spear piercing his heart. He couldn’t simply stand it.
That is why he must not be ignored. In fact, those equating Okpebholo’s comments with that of Hyacinth Alia of Benue, who also refused Obi entry to the camp of the Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in his state, may be comparing oranges and apples. Alia is not a Kpoti. He’s not an iti-boribo. He knows the consequences of hurting anyone, not the least, a politically exposed person like Obi.
On the contrary, this can’t be said of the Edo New Sheriff in Town (NSIT). For him, there’s definitely no fallback position. Even he, himself, would not believe his senses about becoming a governor. So, to those who made it possible, he owes nothing but total loyalty and dedication – the type Luca Brasi gave to Don Coleone!
He would do the unthinkable, if he felt it was necessary. He would do it and leave the rest to the likes of Adams Oshiohmole and Kassim Afegbua to do the explaining. After all, they not only have the key, but the full explanation of how he became governor.
Besides, by the time you’re reading this, Nyesom Wike, must have been holding court at the Dennis Osadebey House in Benin. Figure that in, and the picture become clearer as to why not only, Obi, but Nigerians entirely should be apprehensive.
I repeat, it will be a fatal error to believe that Okpebholo’s was just engaged in political talks. He’s definitely not making an empty threat. He has told anyone that cared that he was not joking that Obi must not venture into the state without his approval. It’s left to you to ascertain if such approval would ever be given in the first place.
Okpebholo, like the bird dancing in the middle of the road, which has its drummers in the bush, also has the godfathers goading him on. And like the child sent by his father to steal, he will break the door with his feet, fearing no consequences.
Instead of daring him to act, he must be stopped from acting. When a Luca Brasi is sent on a mission, he doesn’t leave it unaccomplished. He either does it or dies trying. And when he raises a weapon, don’t dare him. He’ll use it. Don’t dare Okpebholo. Iti-boribo ajoka!
By MAX AMUCHIE | The Sunday Stew
In the last two weeks, Parts One and Two diagnosed a structural mutation in the Nigerian state: a dual sovereignty system in which the Institutional Mirage performs authority while the Shadow Order exercises it, sustained by The Insecurity Triad as a mechanism of mutual reproduction.
What remains is the hardest question in political theory: not what is happening, but whether it can be reversed.
The answer is yes—but not through reform.
Systems that reproduce decay cannot be repaired within their own logic. They must be structurally interrupted.
The Trinity does not collapse. It is displaced.
From Ritual Governance to Peripheral Presence
The first reversal targets the geography of illusion.
The Institutional Mirage is concentrated in the symbolic centre—where governance is performed through summits, communiqués, and administrative ceremony—while dissolving at the periphery where authority is actually tested.
This produces a distorted state: visible in Abuja, absent in the borderlands.
To reverse the Trinity, the state must abandon Ritual Governance—the substitution of performance for presence—and return to the empirical occupation of territory.
This is not military occupation. It is administrative presence as sovereignty.
A state exists not when it speaks in the capital, but when:
a child attends a functioning school without paying a parallel tax of fear;
a farmer harvests without negotiating with non-state authority;
a dispute is resolved by a recognised court faster than an armed intermediary.
Governance is not restored by declaration. It is restored by continuity.
Where state presence becomes routine, the Shadow loses its monopoly on predictability.
From Pacification Bargaining to Sovereign Integrity
The second reversal confronts a deeper failure: negotiated sovereignty.
The state has increasingly drifted into a system of Negotiated Sovereignty sustained through what may be described as Pacification Bargaining—the purchase of temporary calm from rival authority structures through ransom logic, amnesty arrangements, protection payments, or informal accommodation.
This is not strategy. It is dependency disguised as pragmatism.
Every bargain strengthens The Insecurity Triad by:
monetising abduction economies;
legitimising territorial extraction;
reinforcing the Shadow’s role as a negotiating sovereign.
The result is a system of self-financing violence in which each concession funds the next cycle of coercion.
Pacification Bargaining does not resolve insecurity. It institutionalises it.
Each transaction deepens the perception that coercion is profitable, territorial pressure is negotiable, and sovereign authority is conditional rather than absolute.
Sovereign recovery therefore requires rupture in this economy.
The state must reassert a non-negotiable monopoly over:
taxation;
adjudication;
legitimate force.
Integrity, in this context, is not moral posture. It is institutional refusal to participate in markets of coercion.
A state that bargains over its coercive authority is not managing insecurity—it is outsourcing sovereignty.
The Critical Break: Dismantling the Insecurity Triad
To dismantle The Insecurity Triad is to break the loop between performed sovereignty and enforced sovereignty.
This cannot be achieved through security operations alone, though coercive force remains an essential and non-negotiable instrument of restoring empirical sovereignty. It requires something deeper: the reconstruction of institutional credibility in the very spaces the Institutional Mirage has abandoned.
It requires the state to stop performing governance and start delivering it. To stop negotiating the terms of its own authority and start enforcing them.
To recover the map—not in abstraction, but in detail: name by name, community by community—that armed actors are actively redrawing through coercion, taxation, and enforced renaming.
Dismantling the Triad is therefore not only a security task. It is a reversal of political geography itself.
The Cartographic Re-occupation of the Republic
The Shadow Order does not only occupy land. It reorganises meaning.
Through what may be understood as Constitutional Erasure, it renames territories, restructures local identity, and replaces the symbolic map through which authority is recognised.
Once this occurs, sovereignty is no longer contested physically alone—it is contested cognitively.
Cartographic Re-occupation is therefore not symbolic politics. It is structural restoration.
It requires three coordinated acts.
First, administrative re-anchoring: the immediate restoration of functioning institutions—schools, clinics, courts, and local administration—under continuous state presence.
Second, symbolic restoration: the reassertion of original geographic and civic identities through formal public renaming and constitutional recognition.
Third, cognitive consolidation: governance must cease to appear as intervention and become the default condition of life.
The state is not restored when it returns to territory. It is restored when territory returns to the state’s cognitive map.
Intellectual Closure: The State After Fragmentation
The deeper insight of this architecture is that sovereignty in Nigeria is no longer singular.
What has emerged is a fragmented order in which authority is distributed between competing logics of governance—one performed, one enforced, both partially functional, neither complete.
This is where African political thought clarifies the structure beneath the surface.
The logic of adaptive survival described by Jean-François Bayart explains why the state persists even as it weakens. Achille Mbembe explains how survival itself becomes managed rather than guaranteed.
Together, they clarify the central claim of the Trinity: this is not collapse. It is reorganisation.
Closing Movement
Nigeria does not face a singular collapse of authority. It faces a structured competition between performed sovereignty and functional sovereignty.
The Mirage still speaks in the language of the state.
The Shadow still governs in the language of necessity.
Between them, society survives by navigating two competing logics of order.
The question is no longer who governs.
It is whether governance itself can be reassembled into a single coherent structure.
The Reversal Condition: Sequential Sovereignty Restoration
The Trinity is reversible, but only in sequence.
Protection must be restored before compliance can shift.
Compliance must shift before territorial credibility stabilises.
Territorial credibility must stabilise before institutional authority can move from performance to function.
Any inversion of this order produces relapse.
The system is not resistant to reform. It is resistant to mis-sequencing.
The Trinity reverses only when sovereignty becomes empirically enforceable again through the sequential reconstitution of protection, compliance, and territorial credibility, thereby disrupting the mutual reproduction loop between the Institutional Mirage and the Shadow Order sustained by The Insecurity Triad.
Where this sequence fails, the loop does not weaken. It adapts.
The Social Contract Is Not Broken — It Is Being Replaced
There can be no social contract in a state where the sovereign performs authority it does not possess, negotiates with rivals it cannot defeat, and watches—from the polished corridors of Abuja—as the names of its own communities are erased from the landscape it claims to govern.
The conventional framing of Nigeria’s crisis describes a broken social contract: the state has failed its obligations, and the people are paying the price.
That framing is not wrong. But it is insufficient.
A broken contract implies a single agreement that has lapsed—and the possibility, in principle, of renegotiation and restoration.
What the Trinity of State Decay reveals is something more structural.
The social contract is not merely broken. It is being replaced.
In the spaces where the Institutional Mirage does not reach—in the northwest, northeast, and Middle Belt, in renamed villages and abandoned farmlands—a rival contract is being written.
On rival terms. Under rival authority. With rival consequences for those who refuse to sign.
The Shadow Order does not offer freedom. It offers a different captivity—one organised around extraction, fear, and the brutal clarity of power that does not pretend to be something it is not.
Within its own logic, it is internally consistent and therefore predictable.
And in conditions where protection becomes uncertain and uneven, predictability itself begins to function as a substitute for legitimacy—not as consent, but as adaptation under constraint.
The Institutional Mirage, by contrast, sustains a different form of instability: the unpredictability of protection, the inconsistency of enforcement, and the performance of authority that does not reliably translate into outcomes.
It is this asymmetry—between predictable coercion and unpredictable protection—that accelerates the silent transfer of compliance from formal sovereignty to rival order.
Conventional state failure frameworks assume a linear erosion of capacity.
The Trinity departs from this by demonstrating a dual-state condition in which formal and rival sovereignties coexist, interact, and reinforce decay.
Nigeria is not a failed state.
It is a state in the grip of a Trinity.
The Definition
Drawing on the full architecture of the foregoing analysis, I now offer a formulation of the Trinity of State Decay theory:
The Trinity of State Decay is the decoupling of a state into rival sovereignties: the Institutional Mirage, which performs authority without fully possessing it, and the Shadow Order—or competing Shadow Orders—which exercises de facto authority in spaces the Mirage has vacated, both sustained by The Insecurity Triad as the mechanism of their mutual reproduction.
The Trinity intensifies where the Mirage fragments into competing centres of performed authority, accelerating the transfer of empirical sovereignty to rival structures.
The Trinity reverses only when sovereignty becomes empirically enforceable again as a stable condition of governance.
This condition is not defined by the mere presence of the state, but by the alignment of three realities: protection must be enforceable, compliance must orient toward the state, and territorial authority must remain continuous.
Where these diverge, sovereignty fragments.
Where they converge, sovereignty reconstitutes.
Recovery is not repair or return. It is the production of a new equilibrium in which the Mirage collapses into function, the Shadow is displaced, and The Insecurity Triad loses its organising role.
This condition is produced through sequence: protection must precede compliance, compliance must precede territorial credibility, and territorial credibility must precede institutional function. Any inversion produces relapse; where the sequence holds, the loop breaks.
While derived from the Nigerian case, the Trinity offers a generalisable framework for analysing state decay in contexts where formal sovereignty persists alongside entrenched systems of rival governance.
Stay seasoned.
•Concluded
•Dr. Max Amuchie is the CEO of Sundiata Post and architect of The Insecurity Triad Analytical Framework, and the Trinity of State Decay theory. He writes The Sunday Stew, a weekly syndicated column on faith, character, and the forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria and Africa in a global context.
X — @MaxAmuchie | Email: max.a@sundiatapost.com | Tel: +234(0)8053069436
Godwin Obaseki, former Governor of Edo State was the first to raise the alarm. He rang the bell in the most dramatic manner in that video that went viral on the heels of the 2023 presidential election. It was about the impending tsunami confronting the Nigerian political space – the Peter Obi phenomenon!
The forum the ex-governor spoke was supposed to be a family meeting – a kitchen cabinet affair, where he interacted with the inner caucus of his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in his state. But he ended up not only alerting the nation, but passing the message about the new reality in the must pungent, direct and unobtrusive manner – something new has come – Peter Obi.
Whether it was meant to be a warning, an admonition or simply a subject of amusement – as the governor seemed tickled while delivering it – Obaseki’s words in that outing hit the right spot in national consciousness across board. The young, the old, the healthy and the infirm, all heard it clearly. Now whatever they did individually remains a different kettle of fish.
In that encounter, Obaseki had told his audience how, despite being a governor and the engine room of the PDP in the state, his own family had turned against him with all children and other young members enlisting into the Obidient Movement and how that was true of every other family in Nigeria.
Now, was Obaseki’s depiction false? Didn’t it come to pass on February 25, 2023, when Nigerians went to the polls? If Yakubu Mahmoud and his INEC had not contrived that technical glitches arrangement to abjure the mandate of the people in line with the grab, snatch and run philosophy of the present beneficiary of that obvious heist, Obi certainly would have been Nigerian President.
Had that happened, Obi’s would have been not only a clean and wholesome mandate, untainted by the paintbrush of rigging or other electoral infamies bespattering previous efforts, it would have been a national mandate – delivered by the people of Nigeria – likened only to Moshood Abiola’s June 12, 1993 presidential election victory.
In fact, so pan-Nigerian was the Peter Obi effort that Nigerians of all ethnic and religious persuasions came together and on their own, in clusters, within housing estates, in villages and communities, contributed money to fund their individual campaigns to promote the project of getting him to the Aso Rock Villa for the nation’s number one job.
Nigerians abroad – Yoruba – Hausa – Ibibio – Jukun – Igala – Tiv – Kalabari – Igbo – Edo – made special arrangements to return home with the sole purpose of not only promoting the agenda, but actually making the idea a reality by casting their votes for him.
Obi was the only one out of the lot that contested the election in 2023 that secured the endorsement of virtually all the ethic organisations across Nigeria.
Afenifere – the pan-Yoruba socio-cultural organisation – the Middle-Belt Forum (MBF) from the North Central – Pan-Niger Delta Forum PANDEF – for the South South region and Ohanaeze – their South East counterpart – all came together to declare their support for his presidential ambition.
Now this is the same person that some naysayers are labouring too hard, day and night to closet inside the straightjacket of ethnicity and religion. From Reno Omokri to Daniel Bwala to Bayo Onanuga and others controlling working from the Presidency to their counterparts at the Blantyre Plaza APC secretariat in Abuja – they continue to trumpet the spurious, bogus and fake narrative of Obi’s ambition being steeped in some sort of Igbo agenda.
Ironically, out of the entire lot, the selfsame Obi, is the only one who came out to boldly declare that nobody should cast a vote for him because he is Igbo, rather, they should do so because they are convinced about his ability to deliver on a new Nigeria of their dreams. No other had the courage to make such a bold declaration.
Surprisingly, even Wole Soyinka, one of Nigeria’s most iconic figures – a central voice in national and international affairs – Nigeria’s man of the century – the Kongi himself – who had hitherto shot himself to a position of a super being – of immortality – beyond reproach – without any credible reason even by his own conjecture – called the Obi ambition – an IPOB agenda.
That underscores the seriousness of the entire scenario. But interestingly, no matter how they try to trumpet it, their efforts have continued to mimic a snake striking at the shell of the tortoise with the aim of infusing its killer poison.
Their frustration not only hinges on this apparent failure but their current desperation too! The Obi brand has continued to soar beyond comprehension. So, when you hear the echoes of ethnic baiting, religious smears or other primordial sentiments, just know they are trying to increase the tempo of the din! Such a frustrating task!
My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!
“This is Lagos!”
How many of you have seen this sign that introduces you into Lagos? Whoever coined that expression is highly ingenious because the essence of those three words ensconces a lot within its bowels.
It could mean that Lagos is a land of opportunities, where a man who started off as a truck loader at Iddo Motor Park, could discover opportunities to become the next billionaire around. There is a surfeit of examples.
It could also be introducing you to Nigeria’s Centre of Excellence and the pride of the nation where high-stake activities from the signing of multi-billion-dollar transactions conducted in the penthouses of Ikoyi and Victoria Island and the beautiful ambiances of the Victoria Garden City (VGC), Lekki, Banana Island and other high-brow places mimic other big cities across the globe.
Yet, it could also be a warning to the new entrants to the fact that Lagos is not for the faint-hearted, the indolent and imprudent. In other words, Lagos is not a place to loose-guard, as it is said in the local parlance, but a city where street-wisdom is as important as existence itself being the major factor and fine line between success and failure.
For me, the third example is the most relevant and essential here, because it is quite germane to the matter at hand – the current political scenario in Nigeria – regarding Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar. Obi’s defection from the African Democratic Congress (ADC) to the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), is a demonstrable example of street-wisdom at play and an emphatic message of its potency!
Since Sunday when it came to the fore that Obi had dumped the ADC and moved to the new party alongside Rabiu Kwankwaso, his new-found ally, the Atiku camp has remained on the offensive, raising the battle-cry – BETRAYAL!
They say Obi abandoning the ADC ship and porting to the NDC represents a betrayal of not only Atiku and the coalition arrangement but the battle to end the calamitous governance President Bola Tinubu – its main goal. How laughable!
Dino Melaye – Obi detests the heat of a kitchen and prefers an air-conditioned one. If he couldn’t face party primaries, having not participated in any right from his APGA days, how would he face the presidential election?
Dele Momodu – I would have wished that Obi would have waited to test his popularity in ADC…Obi did not leave because of Atiku, he left because he knew he lacked the capacity to take on Atiku.”
Even Babachir Lawal – a hitherto Obi supporter, fired his own arrow – Obi is shifty! A politician who fears elections, have no business being one. He doesn’t want to participate in primaries. He prefers a consensus candidate and that consensus must be him!
All the well-choreographed mantra, you hear from these guys, bespeak more of lamentations at missed plot to capture Obi into Atiku’s inextricable ADC web than reality of Obi lacking the sturdiness, durability and gusto to face tough battles.
In fact, Obi has nothing to prove in terms of his ability to fight. He proved this in the 2023. So by this outing alone the pale, trembling coward image they’re trying to sell to the world through this desperate narrative, falls flat on its face. But there’s more!
Talking about battles and the heat of the kitchen, this was the same Obi that stood through the courts to snatch his stolen mandate after it was snatched by the hounds in the 2003 governorship elections in his home Anambra.
This was the same Obi that sacked Chris Ngige in 2006 to retrieve his mandate and Andy Uba in 2027 in the tenure interpretation case – two seating governors in a space of one year. Who else has achieved this? This was the same Obi, who fought and returned to office after he was impeached from office as a governor.
Isn’t it laughable that it is the same man they claim is afraid to fight? What Obi is afraid of is his name being soiled in any way. It was for the reason of maintaining a clean name that he would rather yield to the pain of impeachment than offer bribes to the members of then Anambra State House of Assembly to spare his job.
Obi simply showed the hounds in ADC the import of that inscription – This is Lagos. It showed how much he understood its implication in terms of street-wisdom. How could Atiku and his men believe they could outwit Obi in that manner?
It’s like urging Ishi-Udene, my village dibia to sit at a beautiful table underneath which you buried a drum of boiling oil. He would have seen the danger in his divinity pot long before you concluded the plot.
Obi, fighting for the ADC ticket is akin to that dapper-looking bank manager, decked in designer suits, alighting from his sleek automobile and engaging those red-eyed, broken-tooted, scared faces at Mushin, Agege or Ajegunle bus stops, just to prove his toughness. What’s the use?
Now, picture this! You ran into a crowd and out of curiosity, went to observe, only to discover your spouse, clothes off, drenched in mud, broken bottles in hand, in roforofo fight at Oshodi bus stop!
Would you excuse your spouse even if provoked into that fight or celebrate the outcome, assuming the opponent was beaten to a pulp and taught a lesson?
For Peter Obi to engage in the ADC battle, it would not only take energy and sweat, it would certainly take away INTEGRITY and CREDIBILITY – the two elements that give essence to the Obi brand.
That would mean committing suicide to polish an ego. That is foolhardiness! The last time I checked, recklessness is the opposite of wisdom. And Peter Gregory Obi is not foolish. He’s a wise man!
My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!
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