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Soludo’s media chat: Hyperboles, truth, little truth, alternative truth!

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“Now with the Government House, we’re breaking the 34-year-old jinx. As I said to you, here you are in the Governor’s Lodge in Amawbia. It’s in a different town from Awka, the state capital. When the state was created in 1991, this was supposed to be where the Chief Judge would live and I think the Military Administrator commandeered it as a temporary place.

“The Government House happened to be the yard for the construction company that built the Enugu-Onitsha Road, where they used as their construction yard and their office. That’s where they decided to use as a temporary office. And for some reason, the government got stuck there as well – in this makeshift arrangement.

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“And when we came, we thought if we’re going to build the Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley, there has to be a place called Government. So, we are intentional in developing what we called The Three Arms Zone, where you now have the Judiciary, the Legislature and the Government House, Governor’s Lodge – everything – all facilities there.

“As you go on that eight-lane boulevard, you will feel this is the centre of government. As for who would inhabit it, we’re building to last. We’re building for generations like you have the White House, built more than 200 years ago. We are building for a thousand years to come, the people of Anambra, will have a home, where they call their home as their Government House.”

These were the exact words of Charles Chukwuma Soludo, Governor of Anambra State, on Monday March 17, 2025. It was a response to a question posed to him by Reuben Abati, versatile journalist and one of the major anchors of The Morning Show, a breakfast programme on ARISE NEWS network.

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Abati was among the four journalists he hosted to a media chat as part of the celebration of his third anniversary in office, where he gave account of his three-year-old government, particularly the update on his Dubai-Taiwan concept, the pillar on which his administration is founded.

Now, for anyone not casting the net too far, the immediate reading derivable from the governor’s narrative, is that the Three Arms Zone, that magnificent edifice now reportedly an eye-popping picture, was his creation. This is an outright falsehood or at best well-intentioned untruth or mental dishonesty.

That particular project, has seen about six other governors before Soludo. Each of these governors, starting from the military administration, under which it was conceived had added one brick here and another rod there before the arrival of the incumbent.

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What Soludo has done, or is about to do is to complete it. Now, need the governor not acknowledge this singular fact even if he was to take full ownership eventually? Therein lies the issues around the entire gamut of that encounter on Monday, in terms of what it was meant to achieve.

Not a few believe that contrary to the impression that the parley was put together to showcase the governor’s real-term achievements within the period – an exercise very important to Anambra people home and abroad as well as other interested audiences, it was a contrived scenario to hoodwink the unwary.

Clearly, both the host and his visitors seemed to have struck a perfect setting for achieving a predetermined goal. There was clear evidence of attempts to serenade the governor towards making a pitch to capture the soul and spirit of his listeners that even a non-initiate would not fail to spot from the style of questioning.

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More like the art of touching a partner at the right spot during a coital activity, it was indeed interesting watching the way Abati particularly danced around with eclectic prose before finally putting the question about the Three Arms Zone, for instance and how a receptive Soludo, chuckling with excitement, went into a voyage of self-glorification and pure adulation.

Anyone listening to him could have believed that every spot in Anambra is dotted with Dubai’s Burj Khalifa, and that at night, the streets transform into a galaxy of glittering stars from the skyscrapers similar to what Taiwan have become well-known.

But residents of the state and people conversant with its affairs, know that Anambra is nowhere near the alluring picture Soludo painted at that forum. Granted, he admitted that the process has not yet fully matured, but with what he has got so far, it would be a miracle to gift Anambra a Lagos or Abuja, even if he spent the next 20 years at the rate he is going, not to talk about a Dubai or Taiwan.

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Outside individual efforts from private citizens exploiting the immense opportunities prevalent in the state, the input of the Soludo government, does not appear to be as industrious or far-reaching as the claims he is making. If anything, the government is still very tall on flowery ideas and dwarfish on actual delivery.

Of course, it is expected that people would naturally cut a politician some slacks given that it is almost an agreeable art within their fold to bamboozle the public with beautiful pictures of their intents in seeking political power. Nobody, would therefore have blamed Charlie Nwa Mgbafo, if only he added a pinch of salt here and there.

But to add a bucket of sugar and a hunk of honey comb in the narrative he regaled that all-Yoruba crew from Lagos – save for one of them, said to have been selected from the Anambra Broadcasting Corporation (ABS), Awka – for obvious reason with, was far beyond the acceptable level superfluity.

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In other words, for anyone who truly knows the subject matter in Anambra under Soludo, the claims he made in that encounter not only tapered towards the obscene, but even criminally so. The state is nowhere near the lofty picture the governor painted it.

But, this is not to take away that Soludo has added some bits and pieces, odds and ends to the infrastructural architecture of the state. Of course that is expected. Even Chinwoke Mbadinuju, considered by many as the worst governor the state has produced so far, did not leave it the way he met it.

Ostensibly, because the selection of that crew was quite deliberate and the governor or his handlers must have intentionally gone for those who could not ask some hard questions, being blank on what the real issues were, the governor simply had a field day, feeding his visitors with some seducing tales.

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No doubt, if the governor actually wanted to create the real picture of Anambra under his care as opposed to using that forum to achieve other personal ends, he would at least diced the arrangement with some local journalists.

Perhaps, as it has become the practice these in recent times, his intention was to mingle with the Big Boys. But outside Awka, there are a surfeit of such people with local names including Amaechi Anakwe, the anchor of Focus Nigeria, a prime breakfast programme on African Independent Television (AIT), who is even from Anambra.

But then, travelling that route could mean that the real questions that bother the people would probably be asked. Perhaps, Soludo did not need anyone to interrogate him for instance, on why his late frantic, wild and frenzied effort towards the security of the land is coming in an election year.

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Only a few months back, Emmanuel Obimma, a Catholic priest in the state attempted to make a mincemeat of  him. The cleric even went to the extent of calling him a “reprobate spirit” for abandoning the people in the hands of merciless criminals. The obvious question from an informed mind, would be where was this magic wand he is now waving at the time Anambra became a killing field that caused the cleric and others to move against him as late as December last year? Did it mean enough people had not died to enable him so move?

Yet! An informed journalist would have asked him whether the case of Okechukwu Akanaeme, former Chairman of the Onitsha Chamber of Commerce (OCC), who has remained in a vegetative state since last year, after men said to work for Anambra State Waste Management Authority (ASMATA), broke his spine with a pestle. Perhaps, if the questions posed to him included such disturbing case of pure dark-age tactics of local revenue drivers, he might have seen the need to be less adulating and looked at the picture differently from the alluring story of his fairyland Anambra.

He would have been asked if he had heard or seen videos of some henchmen practically torturing, maiming and crippling citizens with ako-odo – a specific local brand of pestle in use by these toughies used for all manner as official enforcers – in any part of Dubai or Taiwan, as many Anambra people daily experience.

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Was it not quite interesting that in that two-hour encounter, nobody raise any question about the Owere-Ezukala Three – the three young men pulled from the site of a building they were working as artisans and gruesomely murdered in the same manner as the notorious Apo Six?

Unlike that incident, which shook Nigeria and parts of the world in 2005, in which the innocence of those five Igbo traders and one of their girlfriends was proven by a commission of inquiry, the case of these three men, who incidentally were indigenes of Soludo’s Isuofia community, has remained subsumed in a rather imprudent and offensive official silence that seems the trademark of the government.

If anything had been done to bring a closure to the unfortunate incident, the governor and his handlers obviously seem to believe that nobody outside their circle ought to know. But an informed journalist, unlike the Lagos crew, would have asked all the same. Incidentally, the case in question, sadly appears not isolated.

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Regrettably, new cases of indiscriminate shooting of citizens by the new security outfit now seem to be diminishing the much-touted successes of the outfit and belittling its impact. In fact, on the same day Soludo was regaling his visitors with exotic account, a video showing the body of another young lady reportedly felled by the bullets of the Agunechemba operatives, was on public display.

The victim was said to have been killed as the men fired indiscriminately while returning from an operation in Mgbakwu, Awka South Local Government Area of the state. Such recklessness! Such insensitivity! Hours earlier, another victim had been confined in a hospital after the same men reportedly shot him deliberately over disputes that had to do with riding a motorcycle without papers.

Yes! Soludo did not end his titillating story without chest-beating about how he would win his reelection. To him, the question would not be the nature of the landslide victory he would create, but whether this time, he would lose any ward in the state.

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Naturally, nobody is likely to doubt him. After all, even an imbecile knows how elections in the country are won and lost. If Soludo actually wants every single vote recorded to his name in the forthcoming election, what would stop him? It would naturally depend on how much farther he could dip his hands in his pocket to get it.

What would make it so difficult in a country where a sitting governor, who supposedly won an election could not pronounce the monetary figure contained in his state budget. What could be more telling than that about the country’s electoral system?

It is true as he said that his party still won overwhelmingly after his inelegant and insensitive, if not senseless dart at Peter Obi on the heels of the 2023 presidential election. Let him say so with his full chest, would he have attempted that if he really believed that his re-election would be based on the ballots instead of pleasing the powers outside Anambra?

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His comments is even a confirmation that he knows that his envisaged victory, willy-nilly might not be about how the people feel now or by November 8, 2025 when they file out for another election. He would be a daft to think so, which he is not.

Okay, since he feels he is quite popular, why has he not developed the same courage to say anything against President Bola Tinubu? Or is he not an opposition governor, who ought to be attacking the policies of a government his party would be angling to take over from?

Yes! Since he has lined Anambra with gold and would definitely win every ward in the state, let him as much as make a whimper about anything against the APC or Tinubu and see where that gets him. He dares not. Instead, it would be his remit to promote the fart from the Presidential Villa in Abuja, no matter how smelly as the most enchanting aroma in the world.

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So, Soludo should spare his audience that laughable line. What is important is the quality of that Monday encounter with the media quartet. Did it pass the test of credibility? Did it create the true picture of the reality of a possible Dubai-Taiwan tomorrow or ever? Or was it an opportunity for Charlie Nwa Mbafo, to put on display his globally-acknowledged and time-tested prowess for scholarly delivery of hyperbolic ideas that got him his current job in the first place?

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The Three-Month Sprint (1): Philosophical Architecture of an Intellectual Trilogy of State Decay

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Last week on The Sunday Stew, we unveiled the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI), a quantitative metric I developed as an extension of the Trinity of State Decay. It is meant to be a mathematical instrument for measuring the degree of separation between a state’s juridical sovereignty and its lived reality. I had planned to follow up today with the first instalment of a three-part series on the methodology and indicators of the DSI.

Then, from the middle of last week, there was a development that sent me into a sustained period of reflection.

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​On Wednesday, Zenodo — the open-access repository developed by CERN, the European Organisation for Nuclear Research, and the European Commission — published my 16,315-word theoretical treatise, ‘The Trinity of State Decay (Part 1): Sovereign Decoupling and Rival Sovereignty — A Theoretical Statement.’ On Thursday, Harvard Dataverse, owned and operated by Harvard University, published the same work. On Friday morning, an email arrived from the Social Science Open Access Repository (SSOAR), operated by GESIS — the Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences in Germany — confirming that they too had accepted, published, and archived the paper.

Late Prof. Edward Said

​I sat with that for a while. It is exactly three months since The Sunday Stew made its debut. In those three short months, we have produced an original analytical framework (The Insecurity Triad), a comprehensive theoretical formulation (the Trinity of State Decay), and a quantitative index (DSI). Within the same period, the framework entered global scholarly circulation, and now the theoretical paper has been published by three of the world’s most respected scholarly repositories within seventy-two hours of each other. I found myself thinking about the symmetry of it: three months. A trilogy of original contributions. A triple publication in a single week.
​Numbers sometimes carry meaning far beyond arithmetic. This one felt like it was trying to tell me something.

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​I. The Seed Planted in a Library

​When The Sunday Stew was conceived, I did not set out to become a framework architect, a theorist, or an index creator. But looking back, I think the seed was planted much earlier — by accident, in the history section of the University of Calabar library.

​I was preparing a term paper on Nigerian history. Our lecturer was the late Dr. Erim O. Erim — a man you had to do your absolute best to satisfy. I was moving along the shelves when I stopped. What arrested me was a name on a spine: Sigmund Freud. His biography. I could not understand what such a book was doing in the history section. I took it anyway, borrowed it, and in one week read it cover to cover.

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​Of everything I read about Freud’s life, one idea lodged itself in my subconscious and has never left: Freud’s concept of immortality. He defined it simply but profoundly: immortality is being known by many anonymous people. Not a mystical phenomenon, but a psychological and systemic one. It is the act of leaving behind an intellectual footprint so distinct that your ideas are absorbed by millions of people who may never meet you, but who must use your language to understand their own reality.

​Freud did not merely write a theory. He changed the global vocabulary. Because of Freud, anonymous people who have never read a page of psychoanalysis use the words ego, subconscious, projection, and defence mechanism every single day. They are operating within his architecture without ever knowing it. That, he argued, was immortality.

​I was a young man in a university library who had come looking for Nigerian history and stumbled into a philosophy of intellectual legacy. I did not know, at the time, that I had been given a compass.

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Late Antonio Gramsci

​II. The Book C.Don Handed Me

​Several years later, when I lived in Lagos, I had someone who was (and still is) a friend, a big brother, and a mentor. The home of C.Don Adinuba — then at Ilupeju — was like my second home. I could walk in at any time. C.Don was the perfect host, and his wife a hostess of uncommon warmth. There was never a dull moment in that house. He knew I loved books, and he is himself one of the most intellectually deep people I have ever encountered.

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​On one of those days, he pulled a book from his shelf, handed it to me, and said: “Go and read this.” I looked at it. The author was unfamiliar. I asked: “Who is Edward Said?” He replied: “Just go and read the book.”

​Representations of the Intellectual — which grew out of Said’s 1993 Reith Lectures for the BBC — turned out to be, apart from the Bible, one of the most impactful books I have ever read. In its pages I first encountered Antonio Gramsci, whose Prison Notebooks has made an enduring impression on my intellectual formation and theoretical development. Said’s argument — that the intellectual’s vocation is to speak truth to power, to represent the unrepresented, and to refuse the comfort of specialisation in favour of the discomfort of genuine engagement — became a way of understanding what journalism, practised seriously, is actually for.

​And from Antonio Gramsci, particularly his broad conception of the intellectual, I came to understand that intellectuals are not confined to universities, research institutes, or academic titles. Gramsci argued that intellectual activity exists wherever people help shape ideas, interpret reality, organise knowledge, and influence how society understands itself. Through that lens, I realised that journalism is not merely a profession of reporting events; it is an inherently intellectual vocation.

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​As a journalist, I do more than gather facts and relay information. I help frame public conversations, interrogate power, highlight social challenges, preserve collective memory, and contribute to the global marketplace of ideas. This understanding deepened my sense of responsibility to society. It reinforced the belief that journalism carries a duty not only to inform but also to enlighten, challenge assumptions, encourage critical thinking, and provide citizens with the knowledge necessary to make informed decisions.

​Gramsci’s perspective helped me see that the journalist occupies a vital bridge in the relationship between structured knowledge and public life. The responsibility is therefore not simply to report what happens, but to pursue truth rigorously, interpret developments thoughtfully, and contribute constructively to the intellectual and moral development of society. In that sense, journalism became for me not just a career, but a pure form of public intellectual engagement.

​These two books — one stumbled upon by accident, one pressed into my hands by C.Don — formed the philosophical foundation on which everything that follows in this column rests. I did not know that at the time. I know it now.

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Late Sigmund Freud

​III. The Question That Started Everything

​When The Sunday Stew made its debut on March 8th, I initially envisioned a column anchored broadly on faith, character, and the structural forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria and Africa in a global context. But the second edition on March 15 inspired our current trajectory. Entitled ‘A Country Without Earthquakes — Yet Shaken by Itself’, it explored the tragic reality of Nigeria manufacturing catastrophic man-made disasters while other nations contend merely with natural ones. The insights that came from writing that piece—drawing heavily from an expansive interview a former colleague and I conducted with the late Professor Jubril Aminu in 2012—inspired the rigorous analytical direction this column ultimately took, beginning with the development of The Insecurity Triad.

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​At the outset, I only set out to understand why Nigeria keeps bleeding. I wanted to discover why the same communities bury the same dead in the same circumstances decade after decade, while the state issues the same predictable condemnations, commissions the same redundant reports, and recommends the same superficial reforms that are never implemented. I set out, in other words, to do journalism.
​What I did not anticipate was that the honest, uncompromising pursuit of that question would eventually produce what the academy calls a macro-theoretical framework—and that this framework would, in time, find its home at Harvard and other top-tier scientific repositories.

​The Trinity of State Decay did not arrive fully formed. It emerged from a profound frustration—the frustration of a scholar-journalist who has spent years watching analytical frameworks imported wholesale from external academic traditions fail to explain the immediate reality happening in front of his eyes.
​Failed state theory, useful as far as it goes, describes a static outcome. It names the corpse but completely fails to trace the actual cause of death. The Fragile States Index produces superficial comparative rankings but isolates no mechanisms. What was missing was an indigenous framework that could explain the operational process—the structural logic by which sovereign authority fractures and is progressively displaced by rival formations.

​The insight, when it came, was disarmingly simple: states do not lose control randomly. They lose it systematically along three specific axes—Money, Land, and Mind. When the state loses its command of fiscal and economic legitimacy, when it loses territorial authority over its physical space, and when it loses ideological and psychological hold over the behavioural psyche of the population, something else moves in. Not chaos. Something far worse than chaos: a disciplined, purposeful Shadow Order, which is often more efficient at its enforcement functions than the formal state it is displacing.
​This is what the Trinity of State Decay theorises. Not the mere failure of the state—but the active production of an alternative to it.

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​The geography of legitimate knowledge production has long maintained a centre and a periphery. The global centre produces the theoretical frameworks; the periphery receives them, submissively applies them, and occasionally pushes back against them in minor footnotes. What is happening right now with the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU)—with The Insecurity Triad already circulating in global academic repositories and the Trinity of State Decay now anchored across multiple institutions—is a clear demonstration that intellectual rigour does not possess a postal address.

​The publication of the Trinity of State Decay on global scholarly platforms is not an end point. It is the formal opening of a conversation three decades in the making. If in the months, years, and decades to come, a professor at Harvard, a post-doctoral fellow in Legon, a PhD candidate in Oxford, or an undergraduate in Makerere writing a term paper finds it useful and engages with it, our purpose will have been fulfilled. None of them may ever know me personally, just as I never knew Freud, Gramsci, or Said.

​Coda: The Symmetry Completes Itself

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​I began this reflection thinking about the symmetry of three: three months, a trilogy of contributions, a triple publication. But symmetry, I have come to understand, is not always visible at the beginning of a journey. It reveals itself exclusively in retrospect—which is, incidentally, also how Sovereignty Decoupling becomes visible to those who are living through it.

​A young man borrowing a biography of Freud by accident in a university library. A mentor handing him Edward Said across a table in Ilupeju. Several years of frontline journalism asking the same stubborn questions about why our nation bleeds. A column that began as political commentary and rapidly transformed, by structural necessity, into a site of deep theoretical production. And now: Harvard, Zenodo, GESIS-SSOAR, all in a single week.

​Three months. A trilogy. A triple publication. And with SSOAR’s confirmation arriving on Friday morning, our overall global archival footprint expands to seven critical institutional repositories when we include the foundational papers of The Insecurity Triad: SSRN, Harvard Dataverse, Zenodo, SocArXiv, SSOAR, ResearchGate, and Academia.edu. The symmetry, it appears, was not done with me yet.

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The Trinity of State Decay is now available on Harvard Dataverse (doi:10.7910/DVN/ZQWEM7), Zenodo (doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.20580627), SSOAR (nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-110533-8), ResearchGate, and Academia.edu. Read it. Push back against it. Apply it. Find its limits. That is exactly what it is there for.

​Trust is sacred. Stay seasoned.

•Dr. Max Amuchie is a Scholar-Journalist, Media CEO, and Lead Researcher at the Sundiata Post Intelligence Unit (SPIU). He is the architect of The Insecurity Triad framework for African security analysis, the Trinity of State Decay theory, and the Decoupling Sovereignty Index (DSI)—original, indigenous analytical frameworks for understanding, categorising, and measuring conflict, state decay, and sovereignty in the Global South. He writes The Sunday Stew, a weekly syndicated column on faith, character, and the structural forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria, Africa, and the Global South in a changing world.

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X (formerly Twitter): @MaxAmuchie | Email: max.a@sundiatapost.com | Tel: +234(0)8053069436

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Atiku-Amaechi tag-team: An indication of ADC’s hideous plan for Obi

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Have you been watching the drama happening in ADC? I have, and I have been thoroughly amused doing so. Have you been following the television appearances of Rotimi Amaechi recently? Did you see how the former Governor of Rivers State had been vibrating, assuring of his victory at the party’s presidential primaries?

Did you hear him boasting how he was going to vanquish Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President and now the presidential candidate of the party, indicating that ADC members would prefer him over the seventh-time election-contesting Nigerian record holder, because of his (Amaechi’s) records?

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Did you see the vehemence with which he warned that television host, to “stop that nonsense,” for suggesting that he could end up as the VP candidate to the same Atiku? Did you see how he rolled his bulging eyes and how angry he sounded?

Did you read the statement of the former Minister of Transportation, rejecting the outcome of the ADC presidential primaries, even before it was finally announced on Wednesday.

Now, pan the camera to the Abuja home of the same Amaechi – by the way – I could swear the ambiance could compete with the palace of the Sultan of Brunei – how did he do it – but how could I forget his wife is a money-minting machine!

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Did you see the selfsame man with Atiku? Did you notice the difference? Did you notice the robustness, the comicalness? Did you watch the chumminess and the camaraderie? What meaning did you read into it? You actually have to be an initiate to correctly read everything perfectly.

Just wait for a few days to hear the announcement. I won’t be the one to tell you that the huffing and puffing, the air-punching and the table-banging is all for one thing – the VP position.

For those who had advocated that Obi stayed back and contested with Atiku, it would have been a fatal gambit. He would have come a distant third in the contest, competing with Mohammed Hayatu-Deen. Not because it will be so by the desires of the members, but the goons, wanted it so and would have made it so.

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Even the position of the VP which hitherto had been bandied as his for the asking, would have eluded him. Amaechi was there to pick it up.

You heard Dele Momodu an accomplice in that plot telling you that Amaechi was more experienced than Obi in that interview with Charles Aniagolu on ARISE NEWS Television’s Prime Time.

It was all figured out. If Peter Obi had fallen to the plot he would have been the greatest political mugu of the century. He would have rubbished the rock-strong foundation on which his profile was built and stands today – as businessman and politician.

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Indeed the plot appeared skewed towards not only making him wave goodbye to politics forever, but caast a huge slur on his exhilarating credentials that account to his being celebrated as one of the most successful Nigerian business tycoons today.

Only a few seconds and the trap would have snapped. Had he waited a few days more in that ADC environment, it would have been over. He would have been trapped in the odd situation of point of no return.

By now he would have become an object of mockery and an item of sport for his enemies. Tons of them would be having a bellyful of laughter over his ordeal by now – had he wasted a second more.

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But having that laugh would mean that the eagle has lost its lustre. Obi isn’t Obi just by name. Now, here is the Obi they wanted to trick into a trap. Still in his early 20s, he drove three cars he bought with his own money before graduating from the university.

First year – a Volkswagen Beetle (today’s Venza) – second year a Peugeot 505 (today’s Prado) – third year – a BMW (Today’s Maybach). Now think of yourself as a student then. Think of your children that are students today. That would bring you closer to the persona in question.

It didn’t end there. Still as an undergraduate, he owned the supermarket on campus. There was more. He built residential houses and became a landlord to students and locals in the university community – one of them, said to be Abubakar Sa’ad, the current Sultan of Sokoto, who was then a military officer.

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De hear o! This same Obi, was among the 1,000-ONLY, UK customers the American Express Bank gave their Platinum Cards. You know what that means. In the whole of the UK – including oyibo people of all nationalities doing business.

Before his 33rd birthday, this Obi, had become Chairman of a commercial bank and director of other blue-chip companies. At the same age when his colleagues still clutch files in their armpits in pursuit of jobs, he was already heading a conglomerate of firms dealing with supplies and distribution of goods.

So, add all these up! Imagine the number of intriguing situations he must have dealt with in this long journey. Imagine the boardroom politics. Imaging the various business tricks he must have survived.
In politics, this same Obi practically cut off the head of the political monster prowling Anambra for years.

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Before his arrival, the whole of the state was one huge conflagration and cataclysm. Elements sponsored by patrons of evil had razing down structures including the Government House of governor’s residence. Anambra was all chaos – a huge bedlam!

But all these Obi faced and conquered, arresting the tempest, quietening the tide and smoothening the waves – not without battles – there was a deluge of them – but with willpower, wisdom, tenacity, consistency, and above all – courage.

He battled the electoral heist that stole his original mandate, won, then impeachment, triumphed, then abrupt tenure termination, challenged it and returned to power – battled entrenched interests in the labour unions – teachers, doctors, workers – et al – prevailed and handed down a new Anambra sitting on the foundation of sobriety and good behaviour.

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Now this was the man they wanted to trick. Obi’s case would have been that of the late John Chukwu, the hero in the tragicomedy, Isubru Ekperi – described as the crab which swam across the mighty ocean, but fell in the woman’s pot of soup.

Had Obi, stayed in ADC to contest against Atiku, his fate would have mimicked Okonkwo in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart, whom for fear of being thought weak, destroyed his own destiny by killing Ikemefuna and ended up committing suicide! But providence was on his side;

Thankfully, he did not. And today, NDC provides a new horizon. Nigerians are being provided the opportunity of a new country, that could rise from the ashes of the old order – a clean break from the past – a new hope of awakening the sleeping giant!

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Jonathan 2027: Between honour of national duty and shame of self-interest

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By Sunny Igboanugo

On Wednesday, April 22, 2026, Goodluck Jonathan, Nigeria’s 14th leader and the fourth elected President was at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, on a visit to President Bola Tinubu. Nobody knew the content of that visit because discussions were conducted closed doors.

However, knowing Tinubu, would anything concerning him ever be free of politics, especially given the nuances of the season? Would the snake ever give birth to a creature that is short?

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Naturally, as it is wont with Nigeria where one event takes over from the other in quick successions, the Jonathan visit, naturally disappeared – buried inside the reservoir of public consciousness.

But then, things have begun to unfold that people are not only now returning to that April visit, but are taking notes as well as connecting the dots.

Nothing yet seems definite, except in the realm of the popular local saying that when a witch cries at night and the baby dies in the morning, the people know where to look.

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Indeed, the droppings of the caterpillar on the ground is making people look up to the tree to see if they are actually eating the green leaves on them. Naturally, events around the 14th President, do not look ordinary – at least not that ordinary to escape more than a scant public scrutiny.

So, when on Thursday May 7, 2026 youths stormed the Abuja office of the ex-President urging him to run for the office he left in 2015, after his historic defeat by Muhammadu Buhari, it elicited a deeper interest from the previous attempts. Yes! It wasn’t the first time Nigerians would be making the pitch. Several groups had tried in the past, even as far back as the 2023 elections.

So, the attempt three weeks ago, was not new. But, this time, eyebrows were raised all the same because it seemed to conduce more intriguing interpretations. Therefore, instead of mere passing interests, Nigerians are now interrogating deeply, putting two and two together.

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How much did the former President know about that visit? Did those youths ambush him or was he in the know that such a visit would take place? Was it what is known here as an arrangee – a well-crafted political facade?

Then came the angle of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). A long time ago, when speculations were rife that Peter Obi, was being courted by the former ruling party to return and run for the 2027 presidential election on its platform, Jerry Gana, a stalwart of the party had served notice that they even had a more seducing and deliverable option. It turned out to be Jonathan.

So, long before the Nyesom Wike devastating blow on the party that has kept it in its prostrate state, Jonathan had been on the cards as the number one option for the party. Therefore, it follows that the current steps the party is taking to draft him in, to run as its candidate in the election, is normal. But is it?

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The argument in PDP quarters for the Jonathan choice is because he is the only one constitutionally barred from contesting a second term, he is the most fitted to satisfy all shades of political interests in Nigeria today, especially the North eager to return to power. Quite scintillating.

But seducing as this appears, there is a hugely compelling argument against the move. A groundswell of analysts swear that the ex-President is being pushed into the ring as an instrument to stop Peter Obi, the current moving train threatening to crush the ambition of Tinubu to remain in office beyond 2027. In other words, the sole reason is to play the spoiler role.

Supposing this is the reason. Then what is before us is more fatal than critical. This is the same Jonathan whose singular act of calling Buhari that morning on March 31, 2015 to concede defeat, suddenly catapulted him to a global democratic icon – the same that hops into presidential planes to other countries in Africa to straighten crooked democratic roads.

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Now, would the same Jonathan swear with his church mind that Tinubu’s model of democracy is what he would prescribe even for an enemy country, let alone Nigeria? What aspect of the country has Tinubu not damaged. So, what would make him a Tinubu’s ally in the further destruction of Nigeria, if he truly loves the country?

This was the same Jonathan who swore that his ambition was not worth the blood of any Nigerian. Is he not aware that the land on which he’s standing is already soaked with the blood of the same citizens by the sheer butchery that is happening daily in the country under the nose of the most underwhelming President yet? Isn’t this the issue now?

Indeed, not a few people have argued that Jonathan should be in the forefront of the Obi project. For one, Obi was once his appointee apart from being a sworn ally. So, he would be in a position to ascertain his true qualities first hand and confirm that he’s the only one among the lot that could fix the country. Even an imbecile knows that Obi would create the clean break from the past that Nigeria needs today to build the future everyone desires.

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Besides, he Jonathan, if anything is substantially part of the reason the South East is in its current state at the moment, the level of support the area gave him throughout his tenure is part of the reason the late Buhari increased his hatred for the Igbo a million times more – a phenomenon he transferred through the APC to Tinubu – and which the current President has been unable to extricate himself from.

Okay, is the former President not aware that the position Tinubu is sitting on today belongs to the South East – the zone that took him like one of them that they even gave him an Igbo name – Ebele. If everyone else shortchanges Ndigbo, would he also join, given the foregoing? What manner of ingratitude would that be?

O yes! He has had his Villa meeting. PDP has adopted him as their candidate. Even the legal barrier that would have stopped him, was cleared on Monday when Justice Peter Lifu of the Federal High Court, Abuja, handed him the all-clear sign. He has told the world that he is consulting. While at it, hopefully, more people would tell him the home truth.

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Fortunately, he was the one who said it is easy to wake someone that is actually asleep than someone pretending to be asleep. Regrettably, by his silence since the obscene drama began, it appears he prefers the latter. Therefore, his action would not derive from ignorance.

If he finally bites at the apple, it wouldn’t be because he didn’t know how much Tinubu has messed up Nigeria and the implication of reinforcing him with another four years.

His complicity wouldn’t mean that he doesn’t know what to do to reverse the trend. It would only mean that personal interest has taken the better part of him and not the love of the country.

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If he deliberately makes that choice, with both eyes open, then he’s welcome in the hall of infamy rather than honour. Fortunately, there is still a window to prove that the foregoing was a mere political nightmare and not reality. But otherwise, it would be apposite for Nigerians to say in unison – GOODLUCK?

My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!

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