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No General Gowon! Two million children needn’t die to keep Nigeria one!
By Sunny Igboanugo
Would you do the same thing today as you did then? This was a question I put to the late Ikemba Nnewi, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu in one of the several meetings I had with him while he was alive. Of course it was all about his Biafra Story. He turned to me with his trademark bulging eyes almost boring holes in my forehead. Then, chuckling, as usual, he retorted: How do you expect me, at 70 to do the same thing the same way I did it in my 30s.
I didn’t press further. That was enough. There was no need to. The response was indicative of his acknowledgement that some of the decisions and actions he took, prior, during and even after, as the leader of the Biafran effort turned out to be mistakes, some out of youthful exuberance and he wouldn’t travel the same route in his later years, given the wisdom and benefit of age. Ojukwu died on November 26, 2011 at 78, many years after that interview.
The same question was posed to Yakubu Gowon, Ojukwu’s opposite number, who prosecuted the same war on behalf of Nigeria, during an engagement with Daily Trust, as one of the events to mark the 90th birthday anniversary of the General, who today, is the longest-serving military leader – 1966-1975 – nine years.
In the interview I read at the weekend, he was asked if he would have acted differently given another opportunity. His answer was emphatic. No! It was then followed with a long narrative of how he needed to do anything and everything to keep Nigeria together and to prevent it from disintegrating. He embellished it by going into a chest-beating mode about how he achieved the Biafran defeat without outside help.
Hear him: “I don’t think I would have done anything differently. Every effort was made to make sure that the situation did not degenerate into a breakaway. I had a duty to make sure that the breakup of the country did not happen. We had to fight for two and a half years and made sure that there was no interference from outside.
“There was no question of allowing any nation or power to get involved in our crisis. If you remember, in the Congo you had United Nations forces made up of Nigerian troops and others from other parts of Africa to deal with the problem. At least we were able to deal with that problem and make sure we were able to live again as a people. So, I couldn’t have done it differently.”
Now, this is where I have a problem with the General. His penchant for sticking to the same narrative for more than 60 years since that awful event, is what rankles. I never heard Gowon, either before or in the recent, admit for once that there was any mistake on his part in the series of events before, during and even after the war.
It is not only regrettable, it is tragic! What the former Head of State, said invariably, is that he would still have killed over three million Igbo, two million of them, women and children, as some estimates would have it, just to keep Nigeria together and there was no other way he could have gone about it and achieved the same purpose.
Now, you would have thought age was playing a fast one on him and either he did not grasp the question put to him quite clearly or he lacked the articulacy to string together a credible, believable and more judicious answer. But that is hardly the case. This is the same string of logic he has maintained all through in his account of the war – a narrative that flows principally from the propaganda components of the Nigerian war managers.
It means, were the war fought over again, and were he to preside, he would’ve still sanction the soldiers who wantonly shot at the able-bodied youths that congregated at the Ogbogologo Square in Asaba to welcome them with drumming and dancing, killing an estimated 2,000 of them in one fell-swoop – the notorious Asaba massacre.
He’s saying that he would still be silent while Russian and Egyptian pilots, who conducted those deadly flights dropped their lethal contents in market places, hospitals and other sacred places, which left decapitated human parts scattered in different directions apart from burying many more in deep holes made by the impacts of the blitzkriegs.
Even with the benefit of hindsight and the present picture of Nigeria, Gowon, at 90, and 60 years after the war is still maintaining that he would still ignore those pictures of thousands of children with chicken legs, distended stomachs, glazy eyes buried in shrunken socket, mounted on heavy, hairless heads. How else does anyone describe tragedy?
Even in his own narrative about the war, Gowon still found an uncanny way of pushing the blame outside his domain, despite being the Head of State during the outbreak of hostilities that eventually led to it. Hearing him talk about how the South East decided to secede from Nigeria, as the sole culprit, you’d think that Ndigbo, who occupied the area just woke up one day and decided to break out from Nigeria to form Biafra.
Not in the Daily Trust encounter, nor anywhere else where he gave his account, had anyone heard Gowon mention the hundreds of Ndigbo, slaughtered in different places in the north – the pregnant women, whose bowels were torn open with daggers and their unborn babies pulled out, the headless bodies that were littered everywhere in all the cities and town, the young Igbo ladies that were corralled into leprosy colonies and forced to mate with the inmates and the other atrocities that formed the story of the pogrom of that era that happened under his nose without raising a finger.
Those headless bodies and others in various stages of decapitation which arrived in train coaches in Enugu and other tales of mindless atrocities committed against Ndigbo and the need to give the survivors a safe haven, were the reasons Ojukwu gave as immediate cause of the demand for Biafra and therefore the war. Any critical mind would have expected Gowon to speak to this, either to debunk it or give his own argument as to why it was not enough to demand for self-governance.
But mum has always been the word. As he has always been wont, all you hear is the repetitive, one-sided, puerile, spurious and mostly obtuse monologue of keeping Nigeria together, as he maintained in the latest outing, where he told his host: “I have always said that if there’s no secession, there wouldn’t be a break out and there wouldn’t be a question of civil war because it got to the stage that the situation was getting pretty clear that a part of the country, the South-east wanted to secede. My duty and profession at that time demanded to make sure that we kept the country together. And that was how it happened.”
I never even knew him to be a narcissist or possessing any element of that trait in his blood. Indeed, I had always taken the General as the humblest Nigerian leader ever. That was until I heard his gloating in that interview. He even accepted himself being likened to Abraham Lincoln. Of course he should be cut his slacks. Lincoln won a civil war in America while he won the Nigerian edition. So, he’s right.
But then what? Okay, he succeeded in “keeping Nigeria together.” How is the face of that Nigeria today? Is he happy with the optics as well as the sights and sounds? That same America of Lincoln has progressively integrated all segments and component parts of the society and progressively worked at it that all the veneer of discrimination has almost been eliminated to create equality of all citizens.
Today, the picture of a black man is hanging somewhere in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington as a product of the war against slavery Lincoln fought. But what do you have here? At the same time the highest Igbo man in power in Nigeria today is the misery Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives. Yet, not a whimper from the General.
Intriguingly, the snake, which bit Ndigbo so many years ago, seems to have found its way into the General’s backyard. Like the South East, the North Central part of Nigeria, has remained a theatre of wanton human carnage for many years now. Gowon’s kins have been served the same fate, if not worse, of which made Ojukwu pick up arms and say ENOUGH!
Yes! Probably not by jets dropping bombs or fighters firing at fleeing children, but the results are as devastating. I wonder why the General kept silent on that in last weekend’s encounter, just as he has done over the years. Probably the Daily Trust host didn’t ask. It would have been great to know if his idea of one Nigeria included his own kits now scattered in IDP camps all over Nigeria.
Once in Enugu, I interviewed a President of the Rosicrucian Order (AMORC), some decades back. I listened to him connect the Asaba massacre – the bodies of those young men torn apart by bullets, which became eyesore evidence of the darkness of some human hearts – with the bullet-riddled body of an ex-Nigerian leader fingered as the purveyor of that calamity after his assailants waylaid him during a coup.
He had used that connection to adumbrate his teaching about the efficacy of the Law of Karma and how every man must be served with the same plate he did others. I don’t know how this applies to Gowon. But I’m sure that as he clinks glasses in celebration last weekend, a part of his inner voice might be tugging at his heart to remind him of his brothers languishing in those IDP camps, after being chased from their ancestral homes by some brutal invaders.
From what I hear, those now living like refugees, the likes that were replete in Biafra are the lucky ones. Others who were not lucky, faced the worst kind of deaths possible, delivered to them by the same people on whose behest their fathers and brothers visited Igboland with the worst kind of mindless bestiality.
As he sips his wine and digs into that rich plater, the picture of Sunday Igboho at No 10 Donning Street, submitting a letter in demand for the Yoruba Nation, is currently on display everywhere in the media. So are the pictures of the devastation by Boko Haram and other terrorist group who have carved a fiefdom in the North East as well as their brothers doing no less in the North West.
What this suggests is that Ojukwu’s idea of Confederation, which was at the core of the Aburi Accord, and the immediate trigger of the war, might not be a bad idea after all. The idea, which principally was an advocacy for a loose centre for Nigeria, might have allowed for those who see western education as a sin to conduct their own affairs devoid of that external pollution. It would have saved the lives of thousands of Nigerians that have lost their lives in military formations, churches, mosques and plazas.
Gowon swears that he suddenly took ill on return from Aburi, hence could not announce the content of the Aburi Accord. Other accounts think he lied. But whether he lied or not, the fact remains that Ojukwu made the announcement and all he asked was clear. It was not strange either. Rather, it was for Nigeria to be modelled after Great Britain, made up of Scotland, Ireland, Wales and England.
As he buries his teeth into that chicken breast, the General must be reminded that the echoes of anguish reverberating from communities in Benue, Jos, Taraba, Kaduna, Katsina and Zamfara are as loud as those in Igboland and that the people of Ibarapa in Oyo State and Owo in Ondo, are still reeling from their own share of pains from the cold hand of gunmen. Those pains might not be there had the Ojukwu variant of the Aburi document been allowed to work.
Even more, the clime called Nigeria today, could have presented the African version of Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan and Dubai by the competition that could have endured. It would mean sustaining the spirit of what was already on ground in the different regions before the war, had the Confederation idea been allowed to fester. Granted, military rule truncated that idea through the unitary system that it came with, but Confederation would have restored the country back to the status quo ante.
Now, I might not like the idea of mockery and taunting from the traducers of the General who are claiming that God allowed him to live this long to punish him with memories of his people suffering the same fate as the Igbo people he supervised their near annihilation. That would be dancing on the graves and memories of those victims. I’d rather go with the positive side that as the Chief Actor in that horrible theatre of tragedy, Gowon is being offered the opportunity of righting the wrongs of the past.
I think at 90 he must have borne the burden from the images of those children that starved to death long enough and must now offload it by offering the needed apology. I think 60 years is long enough to tell the whole truth as he knows them. That might serve as the adequate penance and restitution he needs to meet God by the time he finally boards the flight that is already taxiing at the tarmac.
Otherwise, to continue to maintain the not-guilty narrative is akin to claiming sainthood. I think his sticking to this unconvincing narrative is to please man. What’s the benefit of looking good to man and displeasing God? If at 90, he is still claiming to have got things right at 32 even with the present picture of the country starring him in the face and saying the direct opposite, it means an uncanny attemp to compete with God for infallibility. That in itself is a great sin and no sinner can see God. Not one with the burden of those two million children of Biafra.
My name is Sunny Igboanugo and I’m The Tiny Voice!
I’m sure alive today, Humphrey Nwosu, would have rejected the Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON) honours awarded to him by President Bola Tinubu on Thursday. If he did, it wouldn’t have been surprising, because he would simply had followed a familiar pattern, rooted in the culture and norm of the people.
He would also not be the first to so do. Before him Chinua Achebe had rejected the offer twice, while Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie did so too, when she was offered the honours by President Muhammadu Buhari in 2022.
In 2004, Olusegun Obasanjo, then President, had conferred the renowned author of Things Fall Apart, with the Grand Commander of Federal Republic (GCFR), the highest honour reserved only for former Presidents and top-ranking government officials. But Achebe rejected it, pointing to the parlous situation his Anambra State home, which was virtually under fire, he also believed the President was blameworthy in stoking.
In rejecting the award, he wrote: “For some time now I have watched events in Nigeria with alarm and dismay. I have watched particularly the chaos in my own state of Anambra where a small clique of renegades, openly boasting its connections in high places, seems determined to turn my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom. I am appalled by the brazenness of this clique and the silence, if not connivance, of the Presidency,” he wrote.
“Forty-three years ago, at the first anniversary of Nigeria’s independence I was given the first Nigerian National Trophy for Literature. In 1979, I received two further honours – the Nigerian National Order of Merit and the Order of the Federal Republic – and in 1999 the first National Creativity Award. I accepted all these honours fully aware that Nigeria was not perfect; but I had a strong belief that we would outgrow our shortcomings under leaders committed to uniting our diverse peoples. Nigeria’s condition today under your watch is, however, too dangerous for silence. I must register my disappointment and protest by declining to accept the high honour awarded me in the 2004 Honours List.”
Then came President Goodluck Jonathan in 2011, offering him another award, this time Commander of the Federal Republic. Achebe did not complain that the award was lower than the one initially offered him. Instead, he complained that the political situation in Nigeria that caused him to reject Obasanjo’s edition, was still quite prevalent.
He wrote: “The reasons for rejecting the offer when it was first made have not been addressed let alone solved. It is inappropriate to offer it again to me. I must, therefore, regretfully decline the offer again.” Till he died on March 21, 2013, two years after, nobody made a fresh offer, apparently aware of what his response would be.
In the case of Adichie, world renowned author of the bestseller – Half of the Yellow Sun, she was said to have sent her reason for rejecting her own offer privately to Buhari. Initially it was not clear whether she actually rejected or accepted, thereby throwing a cloud of confusion on the situation.
But Omawunmi Ogbe, her communication manager, in clarifying the position was quoted as saying: “Following the recent conferment of national awards by the President, there have been conflicting reports about one of the announced recipients, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. Some social media users say the award-winning writer rejected the award, while others say she accepted it. The author did not accept the award and, as such, did not attend the ceremony. She, however, did not want to create undue publicity around it, so her non-acceptance was conveyed privately.”
I’m sure Nwosu would have followed this pattern. Why? Simple answer! Ndigbo have no pleasure for tokenism – half-hearted gifts. And there is no better example than this lowly CON award. It is simply beneath the late Professor of Political Science.
Mind you, it is the same Ndigbo that coined the adage that instead someone’s cow would escape into the bush it is better to cut the tail so that the owner would have something as compensation, depicting the English replica – half bread is better than none.
But the context is quite clear – the person involved has no choice. It clearly does not apply to what is known as Greek gifts. In that sense, the same man would remind you that instead of overfeeding and falling by the road, it is better than going on empty stomach and that instead of being mocked by a benefactor over a piece of yam, he would rather go hungry. That is what applies in this sense.
Tinubu’s award of CON to Nwosu, apart from showcasing mere tokenism, is clearly an afterthought. Recall that the Senate, had in March this year, on the heels of the burial of the former Chairman of the defunct National Electoral Commission (NEC), who died in October, 2024, rejected the idea of immortalising him for his role in supervising the historic June 12 1993 presidential election that produced Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola as President.
Led by Adams Oshiohmole, representing Edo North and Opeyemi Bamidele, Senate Leader, the motion presented by Eyinnaya Abaribe, Senator representing Abia South, for that purpose was shot down and killed on the floor of the Senate on March 26. Reason – Nwosu was a coward for not announcing the result of the June 12 election even on the pain of death. This was Oshiohmole’s conclusion, which was bought by the naysayers.
Amid the noise the issue generated, Tinubu had promised to recognise the former NEC boss. That was what you saw on Thursday – the fulfillment of that promise. But then, what did the gesture amount to? Pure mockery!
Remember that the event of Thursday, was to mark the 32nd anniversary of the June 12 election, considered to be the purest election ever held in Nigeria. Before now, Abiola, the main product, was conferred with the GCFR – perfect! How then would you give that much recognition to the product and fail to give same to the manufacturer. Isn’t it like giving recognition to a book that has become a bestseller and downgrading the author. What manner of wacky judgement?
Okay, agreed that the GCFR is reserved for Presidents and the likes, even though by offering same to Achebe, Obasanjo had proved that it is not sacrosanct, why not the next rank of Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON)? But no! They had to scrape something from the bottom pot in a take it or leave it manner.
Why was it that the only person on that list was Wole Soyinka. Quite deserving, no doubt and even long overdue. What is more? This wouldn’t be the first time the renowned playwright and Nobel Laureate, would be offered national honours. He was offered the Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR) in 1986, by Military President, Ibrahim Babangida.
So, he was fully qualified for the GCON. But in the context of the June 12 event, he is not more qualified than Nwosu. Yes, in national and internal rating but not in the significance of that event.
Why then was her relegated? Even Babagana Kingibe, who abandoned the ship and went ahead to take appointment Abiola’s nemesis, Sani Abacha, has since earned the GCON.
Did I hear you ask why again? There is no other credible answer than where Nwosu comes from. Recall no Igbo man crossed the CON threshold including the indomitable Ndubuisi Kanu, who not devoted his entire retirement life in the struggle for June 12 but stood shoulder to shoulder with the rest of the pack.
If Nwosu were Yoruba, he would have since been honoured alongside Abiola. No doubt, the new thinking in Nigeria today suggests that Ndigbo must remain the hewers of wood and drawers of water and thereafter concerned to the glass cage to eat only the crumps.
Unfortunately, Nwosu is no longer alive to ask the vital question every credible Igbo man would have been expected put to Tinubu for such tokenism. Using his own now popular expression, I dare ask the President – this CON award, is it for ewa or is it for garri?
Let me recall an encounter. Some years back, my friend and ally was elected Senate President. Naturally, I went to see him. These were the days you could hop into a flight to Abuja from Lagos and think nothing of it as you would a taxi from Gwarimpa to Central Business Area in Abuja or a bus from Maryland to Costain in Lagos.
Not these days when you needed to engage in a major financial plan to make such a trip, no thanks to the era of “Change,” “Change the Change,” “Next Level” or “Renewed Hope.”
Yes, there was actually a time in Nigeria – not too distant also – when you could make a two way journey from Lagos to Abuja, on a one-week trip, inclusive of feeding, accommodation – and for some of my friends who added man no be wood – with N100,000 and still have some change to dash the man who pushed your trolly at the airport.
That was that era. I simply did that – jump into the next available flight to go and see my friend, hopefully to climb to higher ground – you know what I mean. But things were not the way it seemed. Unfortunately, I didn’t inform my friend before hand. I simply did what I should – what all Nigerians would do. Did I hear you say entitlement mentality. Yes! I felt that way. I accept and own the tag with my full chest.
But for two days, I could not reach my friend. Before now, when he was just Senator, we discussed everyday, sometimes for long hours into the night, both official and non-official issues. How could I have known so quickly so soon that my friend was now the third citizen in the country and that things had changed so tremendously? Well I found out the hard way.
So, for 48 hours, I was in my hotel, dialing repeatedly. Each dial came with the message – the customer you’re calling cannot not be reached, please try later. Frustration? That was an understatement. In the evening of the second day, I was already making my plans of returning back to Lagos when I struck luck. Just one dial and my friend picked.
Nna where you dey?, my friend asked. I dey Abuja now, I replied and went ahead to narrate to him how long I had been in town trying to reach him, to which he offered profuse apologies. I dey my house now, he told me, when I enquired where he was. That was how I set off to Apo Legislative Quarters.
It was in his house that the first shock hit me about how levels had changed. The crowd milling around everywhere announced that much. Of course, somebody was waiting for me at the gate and up and straight we moved to oga’s office inside the house, where he received me warmly.
For about four hours, from about 7.30 to past 11pm, we were just gisting about everything under the earth, including, of course his new job and its challenges, not forgetting the raison d’etre of my coming to Abuja.
He had wanted me to stay for some days more, but my job in Lagos was already under threat and I had to rush back and we agreed to keep the line of discussion open. But then, as I stepped out with my friend into the waiting room and outside, still engaged in spirited exchanges, I could see the hundreds of eyes boring through my vertebrae. Some of those eyes were not friendly at all.
They were eyes from all manner of men and women in thick, huge agbada, flowing gowns and tall gele – important men and women of all shades and sizes – watching this small boy in just jeans and tee-shirts. So, this was the “nonentity” who had kept us waiting? I could hear their thoughts from their stares.
But how could they know. How could they know that for this man, I was once just some cat’s whiskers away from taking a police bullet? During one of the political turmoil involving him and another heavyweight, I was actually in the thick of it and nearly got killed at one point.
What happened? I had just finished interviewing this opponent of his in his house when I stepped out into the streets and met a riotous situation with people running in different directions. A contingent of policemen, called to disperse a protest against this my friend was actually on duty – the Nigerian way, of course.
You know how policemen deal with defenceless citizens – it gives them special pleasure and some of them actually get the hard-on they had missed – when asked to torture, maim or even kill ordinary folks. So they were practically enjoying themselves doing just that.
Incidentally, their leader, an Area Commander leading the operation of sheer brutality and man’s inhumanity to these people was well-known to me and I thought I could intervene somehow.
But I never envisaged what would happen next. As I approached this my AC friend, who was himself a one-time a journalist, before joining the police and therefore had more than mere connection – in fact a soft-spot for his colleagues, what I saw was a lion in the jungle.
“My friend, who are you?” He was addressing me! This was a man who used to come to my office whenever he was driving by or who usually invited me for media jobs. He was now acting as if he had suddenly seen an armed robber. “I say who are you?” He didn’t even allow me to utter a word before barking further orders – “will you run away! Run away now before something happens to you! Save yourself now! Save your life now!”
Nobody told yours truly what to do. Half-walking, half-running, I hurried off from the scene, wondering if this was a dream. Of course, some of his men practically having real fun, were already advancing menacingly towards me, growing like fierce dogs as I hurried away.
Now, none of those scores of eyes boring into my skin as the big man escorted me out of his office in Abuja that night were aware of this dangerous incident or even many more others. They were never aware about how many times I had sprung this man out of very tight corners right from when he was just an ordinary man before he went to the Senate and later Senate President. They never knew how many long hours we spent together strategising. They only saw a young man in jeans.
Why did I write this? Reminiscences! When I watched the verbal brawl between Rufai Oseni of Arise News and Lere Olayinka, on today’s edition of The Morning Show, the popular breakfast programme on ARISE NEWS, television network, I couldn’t help recalling those pairs of eyes on my back on that day. They were eyes of anger and jealousy.
Now, don’t ask me between Lere and Rufai, who is jealous? Just picture this! Who among the two would easily be recognised in the streets or at any gathering of important personalities in Nigeria or abroad? Who is likely to draw Nigerians into the street today if it is heard that he was arrested, justly or unjustly? Who is readily going to get easy visas from foreign embassies without producing the intestines of an ant?
Between Lere, who has used his journalism certificate to defend, first, Ayo Fayose and now Nyesom Wike and Rufai, who uses or pretends to use his Animal Anatomy certificate to make attempts at holding governments accountable, no matter how badly he does it, who is more useful? Therein lies the answer!
Journalism is a Special Purpose Machinery (SPM) for ferreting out malcontent, maladministration and malfeasance in the society, especially in government, without which governance degenerates into an irresponsible cabal or a syndicate that perpetrates its actions in darkness. Who has discharged this responsibility or pretended to do so?
Bottomline: Journalism is earned by words and actions and not by lighting a candle and covering it under a bushel. It is also a choice! Don’t envy those who have earned it, go earn yours! _ The Tiny Voice
In 1992, I was on the entourage of visiting Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), to Anambra and Enugu States during his tour of Igboland. I was the reporter of The Guardian in Enugu at that time. Working for then most influential and authoritative newspaper in Nigeria, provided me the opportunity of being in the locus in quo, as the lawyers would say – scene of actions, not only in the state but the heart of Igboland.
Both governors at the time, Okwesilieze Nwodo, in Enugu and the late Chukwuemeka Ezeife, in Anambra, made sure I was incorporated into the planning and execution of the visit by providing the media backbone for its success. I was therefore in a vantage position throughout the event to interpret virtually all the nuances that went with it.
From that position, as I tagged along, I perceived the smell of the breath of all the dramatis personae, as the then Military President, who visited virtually every local government in the two states, made his stops in communities, including mine in Anambra, and witnessed first-hand the outpouring of joy and love for the gap-toothed military General.
I could swear then and today that the ululations that accompanied IBB were not only natural fascinations for his urbane, dainty and suave appearance in his smart military gear, but prompt responses to his personal charm and many more positive attributes including management of the Nigerian diversity.
They were prompt, impulsive, genuine, conspicuous and generative, rather than artificial, contrived or induced – emotions generated out of sincere spur of the moment and excitements borne out of other fanciful stories told by the numerous friends he kept in the area.
I guess you already know where I’m headed. Yes! Pan to that visit of President Bola Tinubu on Thursday, May 8, 2025. Weighed against the balance of reason or passed through the sieve of social scrutiny and political integrity, how would it fair? How do the events fit in? I’ll explain further.
At the Awka edition of the visit, IBB was conferred with the title of Izuatu – meaning one that couldn’t be conquered by evil plots. Why this? Two years earlier in 1990, Babangida survived death by the whiskers of a cat, when Gideon Orkar, a Major in the Nigerian Army, led soldiers to attack him in what could be considered as one of the bloodiest coups in the country.
The events of that episode were still fresh in the mind. To add the pep, even the echoes of the firing squad that eventually saw to the end of Orkar and his fellow adventurers in that failed plot, were yet to die down. So, when the people joined Ezeife in echoing Izuatuuu, as the red cap lowered on the head of the military President, no one was at sea as to the reason.
Now, at the Enugu edition, marking the grand finale, with more traditional rulers from beyond the state, in its recognition as the capital of Igboland, the cap again lowered on IBB’s head, this time with the reverberating echo – Oguguo Ndigbo. Now how does that title – the consoler of the Igbo fit?
After the putsch of 1985 with which Babangida, Abacha and other strong men in the military ended the iron-fist government of Muhammadu Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon, the new regime announced Ebitu Ukiwe as the Chief of General Staff (CoGS). It was a pronouncement that shocked the entire Nigeria if not the world. How could an Igbo man occupy what was seen as the position of the number two citizen in Nigeria in a military government?
It was a tall position which symbolised the mindset of Babangida, as diametrically opposed to the two years of Buhari, where Ndigbo were kept as far away as possible. Notwithstanding the drama that led to Ukiwe’s resignation nobody was in doubt about IBB’s sentiments towards Ndidgo, because their faces were never missing at any time.
In fact, like the Obasanjo, Goodluck Ndigbo were practically in charge of the economy under IBB with the likes of Kalu Idika Kalu and Chu SP Okogwu, quite prominent with Humphrey Nwosu the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), and others playing prominent roles in decision making.
So, why would IBB not be deserving of that title? Only recently, it was the same man that came to do a yeoman’s job fixing the decades-old lies that the January 15, 1966 coup carried out by Kaduna Nzeogwu and his men, was an Igbo coup.
Let’s return to the Anambra parody. Since Thursday, when under the supervision of Charles Chukwuma Soludo, Governor of the state, Igwe Chidubem Iweka, Ogalagidi, Eze Iweka111, the traditional ruler of Obosi lowered the red cap on Tinubu’s head with the pronouncement – Dike si mba Anambra, I have continued to scratch my head as to the meaning of the title or its significance to the people of the state the same way those of IBB related.
Pray! What does Dike si mba Anambra connote? Literally, it means a strong man, a warrior or a great man from distant or foreign land. I’ve also reached out to many of my folks including those who were present at that event, but struck no luck in terms of credible explanation.
By the way, I’m quite glad that it was not the Obi of Onitsha, the most revered traditional institution in my state that was compelled to suffer the indignity of handing over that title. It would have been double-whammy for me and tragedy of the highest order were the Agbogidi subjected to such humiliation.
The title doesn’t fit into today’s Igbo political trajectory. In the first place, the Presidency Tinubu is currently enjoying doesn’t belong to the Yoruba. But conspiring with the likes of Muhammadu Buhari, his predecessor, he practically twisted the hands of Ndigbo to collect that job, consistent with his grab, snatch and runaway idea of power. Is that what makes him a hero as implied by that title? Is that what Soludo and his men are celebrating?
In fact, as Governor of Lagos State, Tinubu would have been quite deserving of the highest title in Igboland given how the sentiment of his government tilted towards Ndigbo positively. But that was before he found an alluring political union with Buhari who never hid his place as the number one living hater of the Igbo man.
It is even better understood that Soludo, who was seen fawning around the President like a star-struck child with a Victor Osime or Davido, all the while would claim that the state never had it so good in history as under Tinubu. Such a hyperbole depicted nothing but taking sycophancy to the highest level. Tinubu himself would be amused at the extreme lies, perhaps saying to himself – this man thinks I’m a fool. But this dike si mba!
As I said, not even Soludo’s men have any inkling. Is it an accolade to Tinubu for insulting the entire state with a paltry junior Minister and to one of the most iconic symbols of the state – the wife of Ikemba Nnewi, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu to boot – or for snatching the Presidency from them? Pray! What does dike si mba mean? I wait!
My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!
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