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SEDC, Nnamdi Kanu: Has Tinubu appeased Ndigbo?
On the night of Thursday, July 25, 2024, Benjamin Kanu, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, was the guest of Prime Time, a public affairs programme on Arise News Television. From beginning to the end of that programme, I continued to twist and flinch as each word he spewed hit me like a sharp point of needle being poked on my body.
As a journalist myself, I could put myself in the shoes of Constance Ikokwu, the anchor of the programme at that point. An Igbo herself, she must have been struggling to maintain a balance between professionalism and the fact of her ethnic reality, during that engagement. Indeed, she must have been in a fix, as it were. I would have been myself.
The Deputy Speaker, the brain behind the enactment of the Act for the establishment of the South East Development Commission (SEDC), by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu signed into law, two days earlier, was actually in a triumphant, celebratory mood. He had projected the feat as the coming of uhuru for Ndigbo, describing it as the demonstration of the love the President has for the Igbo people.
Anyone would cut him a slack for feeling on top of the moon by achieving the feat and succeeding where others had failed previously. I would. But the matter got quite bemusing from there when he began to give the impression that the gesture was all Ndigbo needed to turn 360 degrees in their feelings for Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress (APC).
In the first place, the creation of the SEDC, is not exclusive to Ndigbo. Before it, there have been similar bodies like it across other zones in the country. In fact, on the same day Tinubu was signing the document, he also did so for the North West Development Commission (NWDC). Before that, there was the North East Development Commission (NEDC), created under former President Muhammadu Buhari and the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), for the oil-bearing areas of Nigeria, mostly concentrated in the South South zone.
So, what’s the hype? Was it that Ndigbo, had now been singled out for a special treatment, or the fact that they were finally given what others had enjoyed for years? What’s there enough to roll out the drums? That’s one of the questions I had expected the beautiful anchor to put to her guest. I had also expected her to raise the issue of the general mistreatment of Ndigbo since the APC got into office in 2015, which Tinubu had virtually taken to a new level.
I had expected her to ask the DS if he felt comfortable that a mere Deputy Speaker, would be the highest position Ndigbo, the third leg of the Nigerian tripod, was entitled to in Nigeria and if he was comfortable being the one that would now speaking in place of the likes of Zik of Africa, the late Owelle of Onitsha, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe, Akweke Abyssinia Nwafor Orizu, who represented the Igbo faces and voices in the First Republic.
Even after the civil war, regardless they were a defeated people, Nigeria, in apparent recognition of the place of Ndigbo in Nigeria’s history still had the presence of mind to secure a pride of place for them. That was how the likes of the Alex Ekwueme, and Edwin Ume-Ezeoke, Vice President and Speaker of the House of Representatives, respectively, emerged among other prominent positions, in the Second Republic.
Come to a more recent times, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the next full civilian rule, Ndigbo were still not left out. The likes of Chuba Okadigbo, et al as Senate Presidents, Vincent Ogbulafor, National Chairman, Ojo Maduekwe, National Secretary, Pius Anyim Pius Anyim, Senate President and later Secretary of Government of the Federation (SGF), were in the first 11 of the Nigerian structural team, while the duos of Ike Ekweremadu and Emeka Ihedioha, Deputy Senate President and Deputy Speaker of the House or Representatives, held forte at the National Assembly.
Down the ladder, Ndigbo were never left to warm the bench either or reduced to mere spectators. In fact, they were the major strikers, with the likes of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Oby Ezekwesili, Osita Ogbu, Ernest Ndukwe, et al. They were not only reputed to be the main drivers of the Nigerian economy, but majorly the face of Nigeria in the international arena as well.
That was until the coming of Buhari, who changed everything. Nobody knows how much sleepless nights he suffered during this period when Ndigbo was doing their exploits. In his private moments, he would have thought, Ndigbo of all people! Imagine an Igbo man becoming Chief of Army Staff before his eyes. A people he conquered! Unthinkable! That must have accounted for the vehemence with which he released his venom on them in his eight-year full onslaught, as accentuated by his “97-5 per” cent model, that saw him not only fully excluding them in appointments, but allowing their homeland descend into the worst security situation since the civil war.
Yes! Kalu, the Deputy Speaker was right. Tinubu was actually chummy with Ndigbo. Throughout his eight years as governor of Lagos State, Igbo people featured prominently both in his government and, or politics, officially and privately. All these changed when he met Buhari and got infected by the Buhari phenomenal disdain and outright hatred for them. Since then, he has taken it to an all high. At the APC, demeaning the Igbo man has remained a major party policy ever since – Organising – Treasurer and other trivial positions are all they now get in a so-called national party.
I wonder if the Deputy Speaker was aware that the same Tinubu recently made a whole 16 appointments without a single Igbo man. It happened just a few days before his Arise TV appearance. There is a saying that whoever wants to stop a fight must start when fingers are being pointed. Tinubu has since passed that stage to a point of trying to wrestle down Ndigbo, a task, which will naturally be as futile as it was with Buhari and others who had tried.
But one of the most interesting nuances of the whole Thursday encounter was the angle of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. Incidentally the DS is representing Bende Federal Constituency, home to the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Introducing the Kanu narrative, he described his encounter with him during a recent visit at the facility of the Department of State Services (DSS), where he has been in detention since July, 2021. The coming of the SEDC, was major during the parley.
Hear him: “One of the things he told me was I like The Peace in the South East Project that the President came and flagged off. He sent the Vice President to flag it off in Bende on the 29th of December, 2023. He said the eight thematic areas of that peace in the South East, I like them. If I’m released from this incarceration, I’ll be in the forefront of projecting the eight thematic peaceful agenda of peace in the South East project.
“When a man starts talking like that, the followers will also talk in that manner. He’s no longer talking violence. He’s no longer talking conflict, he’s no longer talking agitation, he’s talking how do we use peace as a vehicle to heal our land. I saw him and I saw in him a man who wants peace.
“I saw a man, who was impressed that we’re taking steps towards rebuilding the zone. And I assured him that this President that I know will assent to this South East Development Commission. He told me one thing – he said – if this man signs this bill into law, it means that he truly loves South East. He told me he would lead the support for the President.”
I’ve since heard many people, practically scoffing at the intriguing revelation. Not a few believe the IPOB boss they know could not capitulate so easily. I have no way of knowing the truth until I hear from him. Regardless, assuming the report is true, and indeed the move is a sort of a tradeoff or a pitch to use the freedom of Kanu to endear APC to Ndigbo for Tinubu’s political benefit, it is most likely dead on arrival.
The only way the APC could win election in any part of Igbo land today is via state capture – such as has remained their template over the years. Even the DS himself may not be able to swear to Kamanu that he did not travel that route to power. In fact, the very first utterance from Kanu in support of Tinubu, as things are today between him and Ndigbo would put an end to his deification even from his close allies. Like the proverbial god that begins to misbehave, Ndigbo will simply show him the tree from which he was carved.
I don’t need go far to cite examples. The scenery around the late Ikemba Nnewi, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, when he returned to Nigeria, in 1982, may never be replicated in the history of Ndigbo. The crowd that welcomed him on May 18, of that year, and at the welcome party in various cities, could actually make it to the Guinness World Record (GWR), as the hugest in history. Everywhere he went showcased similar enthusiasm. Ndigbo closed their shops, while people struggled to have a sight of him. Even the late Osita Osadebe, historic highlife maestro, waxed a special record to welcome him back. Such was his popularity.
Then, he did the unthinkable. He joined the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The ruling party, must have banked on him to garner all Igbo votes. Many even swore that it was the deal ab initio, from his abode in Ivory Coast, where he was on exile after the failure of the Biafran effort. But whatever dividend they had hoped went with the wind. Ndigbo simply did the needful. He could not even win a senatorial election against Edwin Onwudiwe, a lowly commissioner in his home Anambra State on the platform of the ruling party.
As alternative, the Igbo NPN chieftains, who had made the gamble, actually had to use other means as counter, such as employed in the eventual capture Anambra State from the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) of the late Owelle of Onitsha, Nnamdi Azikiwe. Till date, the way the NPN, wrenched away power from Jim Nwobodo in favour of Christian Chukwuma Onoh, remains one of the demonstrable examples the impunity and the audacious nature of the use of political power responsible for not only the vulnerability democracy in Africa, Nigeria inclusive.
To further adumbrate the point of the futility of the IPOB boss for political purposes, I will also cite a more recent case of Orji Uzor Kalu (OUK). Incidentally it was under him that the DS cut his political teeth. Perhaps he would know. In his early days as Governor of Abia State, OUK was a phenomenon in the South East. At a point, he became the most virulent voice of Ndigbo for his audacious and daring courage in speaking out for them and was already being primed as the next authentic Igbo leader. I remember a former governor and one of his contemporaries, with whom I had a private dinner at that time practically gushing with envy at Kanu’s exploits and popularity.
Who else was there at the Cinema Hall of Hotel Presidential, Enugu, when Kanu addressed Ndigbo in Nigeria and the diasporas, as a keynote speaker during the 2001 World Igbo Day? I recall the crowd that spilled beyond the huge hall to the veranda as much of the crowd practically pressed their ears to the wall to hear him speak. It was the picture I gleaned from the depiction of the scenario at Virginia Assembly, USA, on March 23, 1775, where Patrick Henry, gave that historic speech – Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death. History had it that so inspiring was it that one of the listeners pled in his will that he be buried at the exact spot where he stood to listen to it, which was granted at his death. Such was OUK at that time.
Then, like the butterfly thinking itself a bird, he made that blunder the day he offered an official apology to Nigeria on behalf of Ndigbo for engaging in the civil war. He never recovered from the backlash of that particular political hara-kiri, which eclipsed the bright political profile. Today, Mmiririenyi, having been reduced in weight and size, is no a shadow of himself.
To worsen the matter, his most recent fixation these days, seems some attempts to turn the edge of his political dagger against the same Igbo people, perhaps in a sort of vengeance to cut his pound of flesh, as could be seen in his professed love for Buhari, at a time he was actually flogging Ndigbo with his biblical snakes and scorpions.
Now, what am I labouring to say? If that outing by the DS is an attempt to sell either APC or Tinubu to the South East, it would be akin to repeating the NPN gambit. I totally agree with the top lawmaker that the release of Kanu might be the solution to the massive insecurity in the South East currently. Yes! It is capable of putting a face to the perpetrators of the various crimes. At the moment, IPOB is being blamed for everything, including a man’s failure to get erection or inability to impregnate his wife. It appears every crime in the area today is virtually an open and shut case as they are conveniently labelled with the IPOB tag and thrown into the trashcan.
I therefore fully support his push for Tinubu to order Kanu’s release. But that is where it ought to stop. They say, you have to be close to someone to perceive smell of his body. Luckily, the DS seems to be among those who have access to Tinubu. He sees the SEDC Act as a gamechanger. I wonder why he seems not to be seeing the fact that it is actually Buhari and not Tinubu that is still holding Kanu and could only be released if he says so.
Yes! Tinubu, could actually order the release, but it would be at the displeasure of his predecessor, who had to break the banks to ensure that the IPOB boss was brought back to Nigeria. Yes! There are a million reasons he ought to have regained his freedom like the others like him in other parts of the country. But to Buhari, Ndigbo are not like other Nigerians. Would Tinubu elect to offend him, just yet? Could he risk it? Perhaps the DS has a genie he could spring from the magic lamp to achieve that feat. I support him wholeheartedly to give it a trial. But to make Tinubu smell roses in the South East? That’s a different kettle of fish.
I like his enthusiasm and his emphatic declaration, when like Michelangelo’s flourish, he said: “Watch what will happen in the South East. With the beautiful step the President has taken, a lot of things will start coming down.” Such enthusiasm! We wait!
My name is Sunny Igboanugu, I’m The Tiny Voice!
I’m sure alive today, Humphrey Nwosu, would have rejected the Commander of the Order of the Niger (CON) honours awarded to him by President Bola Tinubu on Thursday. If he did, it wouldn’t have been surprising, because he would simply had followed a familiar pattern, rooted in the culture and norm of the people.
He would also not be the first to so do. Before him Chinua Achebe had rejected the offer twice, while Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie did so too, when she was offered the honours by President Muhammadu Buhari in 2022.
In 2004, Olusegun Obasanjo, then President, had conferred the renowned author of Things Fall Apart, with the Grand Commander of Federal Republic (GCFR), the highest honour reserved only for former Presidents and top-ranking government officials. But Achebe rejected it, pointing to the parlous situation his Anambra State home, which was virtually under fire, he also believed the President was blameworthy in stoking.
In rejecting the award, he wrote: “For some time now I have watched events in Nigeria with alarm and dismay. I have watched particularly the chaos in my own state of Anambra where a small clique of renegades, openly boasting its connections in high places, seems determined to turn my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom. I am appalled by the brazenness of this clique and the silence, if not connivance, of the Presidency,” he wrote.
“Forty-three years ago, at the first anniversary of Nigeria’s independence I was given the first Nigerian National Trophy for Literature. In 1979, I received two further honours – the Nigerian National Order of Merit and the Order of the Federal Republic – and in 1999 the first National Creativity Award. I accepted all these honours fully aware that Nigeria was not perfect; but I had a strong belief that we would outgrow our shortcomings under leaders committed to uniting our diverse peoples. Nigeria’s condition today under your watch is, however, too dangerous for silence. I must register my disappointment and protest by declining to accept the high honour awarded me in the 2004 Honours List.”
Then came President Goodluck Jonathan in 2011, offering him another award, this time Commander of the Federal Republic. Achebe did not complain that the award was lower than the one initially offered him. Instead, he complained that the political situation in Nigeria that caused him to reject Obasanjo’s edition, was still quite prevalent.
He wrote: “The reasons for rejecting the offer when it was first made have not been addressed let alone solved. It is inappropriate to offer it again to me. I must, therefore, regretfully decline the offer again.” Till he died on March 21, 2013, two years after, nobody made a fresh offer, apparently aware of what his response would be.
In the case of Adichie, world renowned author of the bestseller – Half of the Yellow Sun, she was said to have sent her reason for rejecting her own offer privately to Buhari. Initially it was not clear whether she actually rejected or accepted, thereby throwing a cloud of confusion on the situation.
But Omawunmi Ogbe, her communication manager, in clarifying the position was quoted as saying: “Following the recent conferment of national awards by the President, there have been conflicting reports about one of the announced recipients, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. Some social media users say the award-winning writer rejected the award, while others say she accepted it. The author did not accept the award and, as such, did not attend the ceremony. She, however, did not want to create undue publicity around it, so her non-acceptance was conveyed privately.”
I’m sure Nwosu would have followed this pattern. Why? Simple answer! Ndigbo have no pleasure for tokenism – half-hearted gifts. And there is no better example than this lowly CON award. It is simply beneath the late Professor of Political Science.
Mind you, it is the same Ndigbo that coined the adage that instead someone’s cow would escape into the bush it is better to cut the tail so that the owner would have something as compensation, depicting the English replica – half bread is better than none.
But the context is quite clear – the person involved has no choice. It clearly does not apply to what is known as Greek gifts. In that sense, the same man would remind you that instead of overfeeding and falling by the road, it is better than going on empty stomach and that instead of being mocked by a benefactor over a piece of yam, he would rather go hungry. That is what applies in this sense.
Tinubu’s award of CON to Nwosu, apart from showcasing mere tokenism, is clearly an afterthought. Recall that the Senate, had in March this year, on the heels of the burial of the former Chairman of the defunct National Electoral Commission (NEC), who died in October, 2024, rejected the idea of immortalising him for his role in supervising the historic June 12 1993 presidential election that produced Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola as President.
Led by Adams Oshiohmole, representing Edo North and Opeyemi Bamidele, Senate Leader, the motion presented by Eyinnaya Abaribe, Senator representing Abia South, for that purpose was shot down and killed on the floor of the Senate on March 26. Reason – Nwosu was a coward for not announcing the result of the June 12 election even on the pain of death. This was Oshiohmole’s conclusion, which was bought by the naysayers.
Amid the noise the issue generated, Tinubu had promised to recognise the former NEC boss. That was what you saw on Thursday – the fulfillment of that promise. But then, what did the gesture amount to? Pure mockery!
Remember that the event of Thursday, was to mark the 32nd anniversary of the June 12 election, considered to be the purest election ever held in Nigeria. Before now, Abiola, the main product, was conferred with the GCFR – perfect! How then would you give that much recognition to the product and fail to give same to the manufacturer. Isn’t it like giving recognition to a book that has become a bestseller and downgrading the author. What manner of wacky judgement?
Okay, agreed that the GCFR is reserved for Presidents and the likes, even though by offering same to Achebe, Obasanjo had proved that it is not sacrosanct, why not the next rank of Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON)? But no! They had to scrape something from the bottom pot in a take it or leave it manner.
Why was it that the only person on that list was Wole Soyinka. Quite deserving, no doubt and even long overdue. What is more? This wouldn’t be the first time the renowned playwright and Nobel Laureate, would be offered national honours. He was offered the Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR) in 1986, by Military President, Ibrahim Babangida.
So, he was fully qualified for the GCON. But in the context of the June 12 event, he is not more qualified than Nwosu. Yes, in national and internal rating but not in the significance of that event.
Why then was her relegated? Even Babagana Kingibe, who abandoned the ship and went ahead to take appointment Abiola’s nemesis, Sani Abacha, has since earned the GCON.
Did I hear you ask why again? There is no other credible answer than where Nwosu comes from. Recall no Igbo man crossed the CON threshold including the indomitable Ndubuisi Kanu, who not devoted his entire retirement life in the struggle for June 12 but stood shoulder to shoulder with the rest of the pack.
If Nwosu were Yoruba, he would have since been honoured alongside Abiola. No doubt, the new thinking in Nigeria today suggests that Ndigbo must remain the hewers of wood and drawers of water and thereafter concerned to the glass cage to eat only the crumps.
Unfortunately, Nwosu is no longer alive to ask the vital question every credible Igbo man would have been expected put to Tinubu for such tokenism. Using his own now popular expression, I dare ask the President – this CON award, is it for ewa or is it for garri?
Let me recall an encounter. Some years back, my friend and ally was elected Senate President. Naturally, I went to see him. These were the days you could hop into a flight to Abuja from Lagos and think nothing of it as you would a taxi from Gwarimpa to Central Business Area in Abuja or a bus from Maryland to Costain in Lagos.
Not these days when you needed to engage in a major financial plan to make such a trip, no thanks to the era of “Change,” “Change the Change,” “Next Level” or “Renewed Hope.”
Yes, there was actually a time in Nigeria – not too distant also – when you could make a two way journey from Lagos to Abuja, on a one-week trip, inclusive of feeding, accommodation – and for some of my friends who added man no be wood – with N100,000 and still have some change to dash the man who pushed your trolly at the airport.
That was that era. I simply did that – jump into the next available flight to go and see my friend, hopefully to climb to higher ground – you know what I mean. But things were not the way it seemed. Unfortunately, I didn’t inform my friend before hand. I simply did what I should – what all Nigerians would do. Did I hear you say entitlement mentality. Yes! I felt that way. I accept and own the tag with my full chest.
But for two days, I could not reach my friend. Before now, when he was just Senator, we discussed everyday, sometimes for long hours into the night, both official and non-official issues. How could I have known so quickly so soon that my friend was now the third citizen in the country and that things had changed so tremendously? Well I found out the hard way.
So, for 48 hours, I was in my hotel, dialing repeatedly. Each dial came with the message – the customer you’re calling cannot not be reached, please try later. Frustration? That was an understatement. In the evening of the second day, I was already making my plans of returning back to Lagos when I struck luck. Just one dial and my friend picked.
Nna where you dey?, my friend asked. I dey Abuja now, I replied and went ahead to narrate to him how long I had been in town trying to reach him, to which he offered profuse apologies. I dey my house now, he told me, when I enquired where he was. That was how I set off to Apo Legislative Quarters.
It was in his house that the first shock hit me about how levels had changed. The crowd milling around everywhere announced that much. Of course, somebody was waiting for me at the gate and up and straight we moved to oga’s office inside the house, where he received me warmly.
For about four hours, from about 7.30 to past 11pm, we were just gisting about everything under the earth, including, of course his new job and its challenges, not forgetting the raison d’etre of my coming to Abuja.
He had wanted me to stay for some days more, but my job in Lagos was already under threat and I had to rush back and we agreed to keep the line of discussion open. But then, as I stepped out with my friend into the waiting room and outside, still engaged in spirited exchanges, I could see the hundreds of eyes boring through my vertebrae. Some of those eyes were not friendly at all.
They were eyes from all manner of men and women in thick, huge agbada, flowing gowns and tall gele – important men and women of all shades and sizes – watching this small boy in just jeans and tee-shirts. So, this was the “nonentity” who had kept us waiting? I could hear their thoughts from their stares.
But how could they know. How could they know that for this man, I was once just some cat’s whiskers away from taking a police bullet? During one of the political turmoil involving him and another heavyweight, I was actually in the thick of it and nearly got killed at one point.
What happened? I had just finished interviewing this opponent of his in his house when I stepped out into the streets and met a riotous situation with people running in different directions. A contingent of policemen, called to disperse a protest against this my friend was actually on duty – the Nigerian way, of course.
You know how policemen deal with defenceless citizens – it gives them special pleasure and some of them actually get the hard-on they had missed – when asked to torture, maim or even kill ordinary folks. So they were practically enjoying themselves doing just that.
Incidentally, their leader, an Area Commander leading the operation of sheer brutality and man’s inhumanity to these people was well-known to me and I thought I could intervene somehow.
But I never envisaged what would happen next. As I approached this my AC friend, who was himself a one-time a journalist, before joining the police and therefore had more than mere connection – in fact a soft-spot for his colleagues, what I saw was a lion in the jungle.
“My friend, who are you?” He was addressing me! This was a man who used to come to my office whenever he was driving by or who usually invited me for media jobs. He was now acting as if he had suddenly seen an armed robber. “I say who are you?” He didn’t even allow me to utter a word before barking further orders – “will you run away! Run away now before something happens to you! Save yourself now! Save your life now!”
Nobody told yours truly what to do. Half-walking, half-running, I hurried off from the scene, wondering if this was a dream. Of course, some of his men practically having real fun, were already advancing menacingly towards me, growing like fierce dogs as I hurried away.
Now, none of those scores of eyes boring into my skin as the big man escorted me out of his office in Abuja that night were aware of this dangerous incident or even many more others. They were never aware about how many times I had sprung this man out of very tight corners right from when he was just an ordinary man before he went to the Senate and later Senate President. They never knew how many long hours we spent together strategising. They only saw a young man in jeans.
Why did I write this? Reminiscences! When I watched the verbal brawl between Rufai Oseni of Arise News and Lere Olayinka, on today’s edition of The Morning Show, the popular breakfast programme on ARISE NEWS, television network, I couldn’t help recalling those pairs of eyes on my back on that day. They were eyes of anger and jealousy.
Now, don’t ask me between Lere and Rufai, who is jealous? Just picture this! Who among the two would easily be recognised in the streets or at any gathering of important personalities in Nigeria or abroad? Who is likely to draw Nigerians into the street today if it is heard that he was arrested, justly or unjustly? Who is readily going to get easy visas from foreign embassies without producing the intestines of an ant?
Between Lere, who has used his journalism certificate to defend, first, Ayo Fayose and now Nyesom Wike and Rufai, who uses or pretends to use his Animal Anatomy certificate to make attempts at holding governments accountable, no matter how badly he does it, who is more useful? Therein lies the answer!
Journalism is a Special Purpose Machinery (SPM) for ferreting out malcontent, maladministration and malfeasance in the society, especially in government, without which governance degenerates into an irresponsible cabal or a syndicate that perpetrates its actions in darkness. Who has discharged this responsibility or pretended to do so?
Bottomline: Journalism is earned by words and actions and not by lighting a candle and covering it under a bushel. It is also a choice! Don’t envy those who have earned it, go earn yours! _ The Tiny Voice
In 1992, I was on the entourage of visiting Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), to Anambra and Enugu States during his tour of Igboland. I was the reporter of The Guardian in Enugu at that time. Working for then most influential and authoritative newspaper in Nigeria, provided me the opportunity of being in the locus in quo, as the lawyers would say – scene of actions, not only in the state but the heart of Igboland.
Both governors at the time, Okwesilieze Nwodo, in Enugu and the late Chukwuemeka Ezeife, in Anambra, made sure I was incorporated into the planning and execution of the visit by providing the media backbone for its success. I was therefore in a vantage position throughout the event to interpret virtually all the nuances that went with it.
From that position, as I tagged along, I perceived the smell of the breath of all the dramatis personae, as the then Military President, who visited virtually every local government in the two states, made his stops in communities, including mine in Anambra, and witnessed first-hand the outpouring of joy and love for the gap-toothed military General.
I could swear then and today that the ululations that accompanied IBB were not only natural fascinations for his urbane, dainty and suave appearance in his smart military gear, but prompt responses to his personal charm and many more positive attributes including management of the Nigerian diversity.
They were prompt, impulsive, genuine, conspicuous and generative, rather than artificial, contrived or induced – emotions generated out of sincere spur of the moment and excitements borne out of other fanciful stories told by the numerous friends he kept in the area.
I guess you already know where I’m headed. Yes! Pan to that visit of President Bola Tinubu on Thursday, May 8, 2025. Weighed against the balance of reason or passed through the sieve of social scrutiny and political integrity, how would it fair? How do the events fit in? I’ll explain further.
At the Awka edition of the visit, IBB was conferred with the title of Izuatu – meaning one that couldn’t be conquered by evil plots. Why this? Two years earlier in 1990, Babangida survived death by the whiskers of a cat, when Gideon Orkar, a Major in the Nigerian Army, led soldiers to attack him in what could be considered as one of the bloodiest coups in the country.
The events of that episode were still fresh in the mind. To add the pep, even the echoes of the firing squad that eventually saw to the end of Orkar and his fellow adventurers in that failed plot, were yet to die down. So, when the people joined Ezeife in echoing Izuatuuu, as the red cap lowered on the head of the military President, no one was at sea as to the reason.
Now, at the Enugu edition, marking the grand finale, with more traditional rulers from beyond the state, in its recognition as the capital of Igboland, the cap again lowered on IBB’s head, this time with the reverberating echo – Oguguo Ndigbo. Now how does that title – the consoler of the Igbo fit?
After the putsch of 1985 with which Babangida, Abacha and other strong men in the military ended the iron-fist government of Muhammadu Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon, the new regime announced Ebitu Ukiwe as the Chief of General Staff (CoGS). It was a pronouncement that shocked the entire Nigeria if not the world. How could an Igbo man occupy what was seen as the position of the number two citizen in Nigeria in a military government?
It was a tall position which symbolised the mindset of Babangida, as diametrically opposed to the two years of Buhari, where Ndigbo were kept as far away as possible. Notwithstanding the drama that led to Ukiwe’s resignation nobody was in doubt about IBB’s sentiments towards Ndidgo, because their faces were never missing at any time.
In fact, like the Obasanjo, Goodluck Ndigbo were practically in charge of the economy under IBB with the likes of Kalu Idika Kalu and Chu SP Okogwu, quite prominent with Humphrey Nwosu the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), and others playing prominent roles in decision making.
So, why would IBB not be deserving of that title? Only recently, it was the same man that came to do a yeoman’s job fixing the decades-old lies that the January 15, 1966 coup carried out by Kaduna Nzeogwu and his men, was an Igbo coup.
Let’s return to the Anambra parody. Since Thursday, when under the supervision of Charles Chukwuma Soludo, Governor of the state, Igwe Chidubem Iweka, Ogalagidi, Eze Iweka111, the traditional ruler of Obosi lowered the red cap on Tinubu’s head with the pronouncement – Dike si mba Anambra, I have continued to scratch my head as to the meaning of the title or its significance to the people of the state the same way those of IBB related.
Pray! What does Dike si mba Anambra connote? Literally, it means a strong man, a warrior or a great man from distant or foreign land. I’ve also reached out to many of my folks including those who were present at that event, but struck no luck in terms of credible explanation.
By the way, I’m quite glad that it was not the Obi of Onitsha, the most revered traditional institution in my state that was compelled to suffer the indignity of handing over that title. It would have been double-whammy for me and tragedy of the highest order were the Agbogidi subjected to such humiliation.
The title doesn’t fit into today’s Igbo political trajectory. In the first place, the Presidency Tinubu is currently enjoying doesn’t belong to the Yoruba. But conspiring with the likes of Muhammadu Buhari, his predecessor, he practically twisted the hands of Ndigbo to collect that job, consistent with his grab, snatch and runaway idea of power. Is that what makes him a hero as implied by that title? Is that what Soludo and his men are celebrating?
In fact, as Governor of Lagos State, Tinubu would have been quite deserving of the highest title in Igboland given how the sentiment of his government tilted towards Ndigbo positively. But that was before he found an alluring political union with Buhari who never hid his place as the number one living hater of the Igbo man.
It is even better understood that Soludo, who was seen fawning around the President like a star-struck child with a Victor Osime or Davido, all the while would claim that the state never had it so good in history as under Tinubu. Such a hyperbole depicted nothing but taking sycophancy to the highest level. Tinubu himself would be amused at the extreme lies, perhaps saying to himself – this man thinks I’m a fool. But this dike si mba!
As I said, not even Soludo’s men have any inkling. Is it an accolade to Tinubu for insulting the entire state with a paltry junior Minister and to one of the most iconic symbols of the state – the wife of Ikemba Nnewi, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu to boot – or for snatching the Presidency from them? Pray! What does dike si mba mean? I wait!
My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!
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