Columns

Nigeria in distress: Peter Obi’s solution, the only solution

Published

2 years ago

February 6, 2024

By Sunny Igboanugo

I’ll start with a simple narrative. In 2021, there was a news flash that went viral on the social media and even the traditional platforms that Peter Obi, had donated a whopping N1billion to the Nigerian effort to curb the menace of COVID-19, the deadly pandemic that was ravaging the world at that time.

Whoever initiated that story, might have done so with negative intentions, either catch cruise, to chase clout or simply to rope the former Governor of Anambra State, into a particular corner. On the other hand, the person could have also have had the positive intention of promoting the former governor, who by then had become a household name, after running as vice presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), alongside Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President, who was the Presidential candidate.

The person might have supposedly thought that linking Obi with such a huge donation, was likely to paint him in good light as a philanthropist in the mould of the late Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, whose proclivity to public spiritedness and philanthropy was believed to have opened so many doors for him during his quest to become President of Nigeria, which he would have been, had the military that prosecuted the 1993 presidential election not annulled it in the infamous June 12 saga.

So, give or take, it could either have been for the reasons above or anything else. However, what appeared strange at that time and now was that Obi, instantly debunked the story. Unlike many other politicians, who would have hugged the story, true or false, for the obvious advantage of projecting them as, first, well to do as to give out such an amount freely for public purpose, or humanitarians with the heart of gold, he flatly denied doing so.

What is more? He was named alongside Aliko Dangote, Africa’s Richest Man, said to have donated the same amount for the same purpose. Which politician would not seize such a moment to shine? But not Obi. Rather, in a statement, by Valentine Obienyem, his spokesman, he wished those who were making the contribution then under what was later dubbed Ca-COVID, well.

But do you know what? That same week, Obi established his own intervention programme. From his personal finances, he supervised the procurement of the essentials for the same COVID-19 initiatives and their distribution to target groups and practically witnessed all the processes from point A to point Z.

What was the result of that? The Ca-COVID initiative, which netted over N21billion at the last count, with individuals, banks and groups, making huge donations, as with other Nigerian public institutions, became mired in controversy with a lot of questions hanging on its head because of the opaque nature of the management of the huge funds.

In the end, what came out of the loud talks of erecting infrastructures, procurement of machinery and drugs and the concomitant programmes of testing, isolation and treatment centres and other tall projects, simply evaporated. Yet, that of Obi, became a reference point in terms of efficiency and effectiveness.

While nobody actually came out to testify to benefitting from the former, pictures and videos of beneficiaries from Obi’s little efforts were all over the space.

From the available picture, he must have spent a lot far beyond the N1billion he was said to have donated. But even though that huge financial commitment was a mere fraction of the Ca-COVID effort. Yet, the difference was clear in terms of the result.

The reason for this outcome ought to be clear even to an imbecile. It simply adumbrates the fact in the traditional saying that a goat fed by the public usually dies of hunger, because nobody actually takes responsibility.

This is exactly the sickness with Nigerian. The truth is that running of Nigeria must be taken as a personal business. Those leading the country, must have the capacity and the presence of mind to go through the gamut of its daily activities with a fine-comb. In other words, Nigeria must not only be run by a leadership with the right sentiments and national emotions, but one that is not only present, but involved always.

This is what has been missing over the years, especially since the infamous years of President Muhammadu Buhari, who was worse than an absentee President. From the look of things, it appeared that Buhari’s ultimate ambition was to be called President and that once he achieved it, the rest was left to the elements. Those who hired him to get to the Presidential Villa, in Abuja, simply took over.

Accentuated by his debilitating health issues and the fact that he chose to run the most parochial and nepotistic government that virtually turned the Villa into a Fulani province, the country became a bazaar ground with auctioneers practically selling off everything. It even got worse with a pliable National Assembly, which swore never to question any action from him, or request thereof in doing the yeoman’s job.

Loan approvals were simply mere formalities, regardless that they were obtained in hard currencies with sometimes, outrageous and even laughable conditions. Now generations of Nigerians will be subjected to pay for loans that practically grew wings without any trace of their whereabouts.

Tragically, the tradition has continued even with Tinubu. What many Nigerians had believed was mere politics of appeasement in the form of saying some nice things to please Buhari, has now turned out a reality in every material particular. In this case, loans are being obtained to satiate the unquenchable desires of the new leaders.

Worse still is that Tinubu too, has now also followed Buhari’s pattern of choosing politics over competence. Today, to up the ante, virtually all the appointments outside the statutory ones allowed by law, are not only occupied by the Yoruba, but by the ubiquitous Lagos Boys. The result is that the bazaar Buhari introduced has not only continued, but increased in tempo. Just a few weeks ago, the nation was regaled with stories of mindboggling corruption in Tinubu’s poverty alleviation programmes.

The noise generated from the Betta Edu affair, was quite deafening as usual at the initial stage. But what has happened since then? The din has suddenly dimmed, while the putridness and ugliness from the can of worms, seem to have either evaporated or crawled away. Like all incidents of its kind in the Buhari years, it is calm again. Those who know could guarantee that it is only a matter of time for all the dramatis personae in that ugly encounter to find their ways back to their original positions or even climb to a higher grounds.

That is why today, even the greatest critics of Buhari, who had prayed fervently to see his back from the Villa are wondering whether they did not pray too quickly too soon. Shouldn’t they have tarried in wishing him back to Daura? Who could have contemplated or imagined that anything would be worse than the Buhari era? Who could have imagined a picture where the Naira, which exchanged for just N400 to a dollar less than a year ago, would plummet to more than N1,500? Who could have anticipated this steady progression from the critical condition of Buhari to the fatal state of Tinubu?

But what could have been done differently? Simple answer – the Peter Obi solution! Right from the outset, Obi had shouted himself hoarse that the solution to Nigeria’s current crisis is production and more production, hence, his slogan – from consumption to production. The vast land in the North, he echoed to even the deaf to hear, would be transformed from the current wasteland to huge agricultural enclave. Who is thinking or talking about that now?

Now, imagine where the N5billion earmarked for the purchase of a presidential yacht for Tinubu is invested in importing high-yielding cows from Mexico for farmers in Borno alone to produce milk and meat. Replicate that in 10 other states in the North and see how it turns out. Imagine what the economy of the South East would turn out like if five million palm seedlings are developed in each of the five states of the South East every year for the next four years.

Imagine what investment of a similar number of cocoa seedlings in the South West, accompanied with processing factories for beverage, chocolate and other finished products for export to neighbouring countries, or siting of mango canning factories in each of the local governments in Benue, Nasarawa or Taraba or machines for making potato chips in Jos, could contribute to Nigeria instead of using the dollars borrowed from foreign to buy exotic cars for Tinubu and his wife.

Picture the amount of foreign exchange that could have been saved if Tinubu, had shunned the present mindless extravagance and profligacy trailing his government. A cursory peek into the 2024 budget, would convince anyone as to why Nigeria is currently living in its current parlous state. Just imagine the odious stories coming out of the Villa!

For emphasis, Peter Obi, will never allow the National Assembly to purchase exotic vehicles of N160million per unit to navigate Nigerian bad roads. He would fix the roads instead. Obi will not appoint 50 Ministers at a time like this. Obi will not borrow money to buy vehicles for himself, not to talk about his wife. Obi will never travel in and outside the country with an entourage of 500 people. Obi will not run a government where N4billion is used to verify 15million beneficiaries for a poverty alleviation programme.

Yes! Obi will be decisive and brook no excuse for the wanton carnage being unleashed in the country by either bandits or terrorists, which has prevented people from either accessing their farms or engaging in other meaningful daily activities. Obi will not permit the continued stealing of oil from the Niger Delta. He will ask questions and plug all the loopholes. He will stop the bleeding of the country.

That was exactly what he promised during his campaigns for the job. He not only promised so, but stated in clear terms how he would go about it. Anyone who was able to achieve the development he did in Anambra State, and still save a whopping N75billion, refuse to steal it and keep it for his successor could save Nigeria.

What it means is that the person has conquered the basic disease afflicting Nigeria – greed. Greed either by himself of preventing the greed of family, friends, associates and allies from getting to public till. This inability for Buhari to do so and the clear indication that Tinubu is not succeeding either is the major reason for the current crisis in Nigeria today.

At this stage, Obi, may just be a metaphor. It may not be him per se. But the template is there. First, shed weight individually by divesting yourself of worldly desires, such as the dream of owning the best buildings in the world or riding in the best cars or being richer than Elon Musk. Then shed the weight of government by reducing the crowd and feeding less mouth. That is the template.

Incidentally, Obi has said that he is not desperate to be President, but desperate to see Nigeria work. So, even Tinubu could adopt the Peter Obi template and by so doing, instead of taking over from Buhari as the worst President of Nigeria, which is becoming quite evident by the day, he would have succeeded in creating the New Nigeria everyone desires. Why not?

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Columns

The Trinity of State Decay (III): The Architecture of Resurrection

Published

3 days ago

May 11, 2026

Whirlwindnews

By MAX AMUCHIE | The Sunday Stew

In the last two weeks, Parts One and Two diagnosed a structural mutation in the Nigerian state: a dual sovereignty system in which the Institutional Mirage performs authority while the Shadow Order exercises it, sustained by The Insecurity Triad as a mechanism of mutual reproduction.
What remains is the hardest question in political theory: not what is happening, but whether it can be reversed.

The answer is yes—but not through reform.
Systems that reproduce decay cannot be repaired within their own logic. They must be structurally interrupted.
The Trinity does not collapse. It is displaced.

From Ritual Governance to Peripheral Presence

The first reversal targets the geography of illusion.
The Institutional Mirage is concentrated in the symbolic centre—where governance is performed through summits, communiqués, and administrative ceremony—while dissolving at the periphery where authority is actually tested.

This produces a distorted state: visible in Abuja, absent in the borderlands.
To reverse the Trinity, the state must abandon Ritual Governance—the substitution of performance for presence—and return to the empirical occupation of territory.

This is not military occupation. It is administrative presence as sovereignty.
A state exists not when it speaks in the capital, but when:
a child attends a functioning school without paying a parallel tax of fear;
a farmer harvests without negotiating with non-state authority;
a dispute is resolved by a recognised court faster than an armed intermediary.
Governance is not restored by declaration. It is restored by continuity.
Where state presence becomes routine, the Shadow loses its monopoly on predictability.

From Pacification Bargaining to Sovereign Integrity

The second reversal confronts a deeper failure: negotiated sovereignty.
The state has increasingly drifted into a system of Negotiated Sovereignty sustained through what may be described as Pacification Bargaining—the purchase of temporary calm from rival authority structures through ransom logic, amnesty arrangements, protection payments, or informal accommodation.
This is not strategy. It is dependency disguised as pragmatism.

Every bargain strengthens The Insecurity Triad by:
monetising abduction economies;
legitimising territorial extraction;
reinforcing the Shadow’s role as a negotiating sovereign.
The result is a system of self-financing violence in which each concession funds the next cycle of coercion.

Pacification Bargaining does not resolve insecurity. It institutionalises it.
Each transaction deepens the perception that coercion is profitable, territorial pressure is negotiable, and sovereign authority is conditional rather than absolute.
Sovereign recovery therefore requires rupture in this economy.
The state must reassert a non-negotiable monopoly over:
taxation;
adjudication;
legitimate force.

Integrity, in this context, is not moral posture. It is institutional refusal to participate in markets of coercion.

A state that bargains over its coercive authority is not managing insecurity—it is outsourcing sovereignty.

The Critical Break: Dismantling the Insecurity Triad

To dismantle The Insecurity Triad is to break the loop between performed sovereignty and enforced sovereignty.

This cannot be achieved through security operations alone, though coercive force remains an essential and non-negotiable instrument of restoring empirical sovereignty. It requires something deeper: the reconstruction of institutional credibility in the very spaces the Institutional Mirage has abandoned.
It requires the state to stop performing governance and start delivering it. To stop negotiating the terms of its own authority and start enforcing them.

To recover the map—not in abstraction, but in detail: name by name, community by community—that armed actors are actively redrawing through coercion, taxation, and enforced renaming.
Dismantling the Triad is therefore not only a security task. It is a reversal of political geography itself.

The Cartographic Re-occupation of the Republic

The Shadow Order does not only occupy land. It reorganises meaning.
Through what may be understood as Constitutional Erasure, it renames territories, restructures local identity, and replaces the symbolic map through which authority is recognised.
Once this occurs, sovereignty is no longer contested physically alone—it is contested cognitively.
Cartographic Re-occupation is therefore not symbolic politics. It is structural restoration.
It requires three coordinated acts.

First, administrative re-anchoring: the immediate restoration of functioning institutions—schools, clinics, courts, and local administration—under continuous state presence.
Second, symbolic restoration: the reassertion of original geographic and civic identities through formal public renaming and constitutional recognition.

Third, cognitive consolidation: governance must cease to appear as intervention and become the default condition of life.

The state is not restored when it returns to territory. It is restored when territory returns to the state’s cognitive map.

Intellectual Closure: The State After Fragmentation

The deeper insight of this architecture is that sovereignty in Nigeria is no longer singular.
What has emerged is a fragmented order in which authority is distributed between competing logics of governance—one performed, one enforced, both partially functional, neither complete.
This is where African political thought clarifies the structure beneath the surface.

The logic of adaptive survival described by Jean-François Bayart explains why the state persists even as it weakens. Achille Mbembe explains how survival itself becomes managed rather than guaranteed.
Together, they clarify the central claim of the Trinity: this is not collapse. It is reorganisation.

Closing Movement
Nigeria does not face a singular collapse of authority. It faces a structured competition between performed sovereignty and functional sovereignty.
The Mirage still speaks in the language of the state.
The Shadow still governs in the language of necessity.
Between them, society survives by navigating two competing logics of order.
The question is no longer who governs.
It is whether governance itself can be reassembled into a single coherent structure.

The Reversal Condition: Sequential Sovereignty Restoration

The Trinity is reversible, but only in sequence.
Protection must be restored before compliance can shift.
Compliance must shift before territorial credibility stabilises.
Territorial credibility must stabilise before institutional authority can move from performance to function.

Any inversion of this order produces relapse.
The system is not resistant to reform. It is resistant to mis-sequencing.
The Trinity reverses only when sovereignty becomes empirically enforceable again through the sequential reconstitution of protection, compliance, and territorial credibility, thereby disrupting the mutual reproduction loop between the Institutional Mirage and the Shadow Order sustained by The Insecurity Triad.

Where this sequence fails, the loop does not weaken. It adapts.

The Social Contract Is Not Broken — It Is Being Replaced

There can be no social contract in a state where the sovereign performs authority it does not possess, negotiates with rivals it cannot defeat, and watches—from the polished corridors of Abuja—as the names of its own communities are erased from the landscape it claims to govern.
The conventional framing of Nigeria’s crisis describes a broken social contract: the state has failed its obligations, and the people are paying the price.
That framing is not wrong. But it is insufficient.
A broken contract implies a single agreement that has lapsed—and the possibility, in principle, of renegotiation and restoration.

What the Trinity of State Decay reveals is something more structural.
The social contract is not merely broken. It is being replaced.
In the spaces where the Institutional Mirage does not reach—in the northwest, northeast, and Middle Belt, in renamed villages and abandoned farmlands—a rival contract is being written.
On rival terms. Under rival authority. With rival consequences for those who refuse to sign.
The Shadow Order does not offer freedom. It offers a different captivity—one organised around extraction, fear, and the brutal clarity of power that does not pretend to be something it is not.
Within its own logic, it is internally consistent and therefore predictable.

And in conditions where protection becomes uncertain and uneven, predictability itself begins to function as a substitute for legitimacy—not as consent, but as adaptation under constraint.

The Institutional Mirage, by contrast, sustains a different form of instability: the unpredictability of protection, the inconsistency of enforcement, and the performance of authority that does not reliably translate into outcomes.
It is this asymmetry—between predictable coercion and unpredictable protection—that accelerates the silent transfer of compliance from formal sovereignty to rival order.

Conventional state failure frameworks assume a linear erosion of capacity.
The Trinity departs from this by demonstrating a dual-state condition in which formal and rival sovereignties coexist, interact, and reinforce decay.
Nigeria is not a failed state.
It is a state in the grip of a Trinity.

The Definition

Drawing on the full architecture of the foregoing analysis, I now offer a formulation of the Trinity of State Decay theory:
The Trinity of State Decay is the decoupling of a state into rival sovereignties: the Institutional Mirage, which performs authority without fully possessing it, and the Shadow Order—or competing Shadow Orders—which exercises de facto authority in spaces the Mirage has vacated, both sustained by The Insecurity Triad as the mechanism of their mutual reproduction.
The Trinity intensifies where the Mirage fragments into competing centres of performed authority, accelerating the transfer of empirical sovereignty to rival structures.

The Trinity reverses only when sovereignty becomes empirically enforceable again as a stable condition of governance.

This condition is not defined by the mere presence of the state, but by the alignment of three realities: protection must be enforceable, compliance must orient toward the state, and territorial authority must remain continuous.

Where these diverge, sovereignty fragments.
Where they converge, sovereignty reconstitutes.

Recovery is not repair or return. It is the production of a new equilibrium in which the Mirage collapses into function, the Shadow is displaced, and The Insecurity Triad loses its organising role.
This condition is produced through sequence: protection must precede compliance, compliance must precede territorial credibility, and territorial credibility must precede institutional function. Any inversion produces relapse; where the sequence holds, the loop breaks.

While derived from the Nigerian case, the Trinity offers a generalisable framework for analysing state decay in contexts where formal sovereignty persists alongside entrenched systems of rival governance.
Stay seasoned.

•Concluded

•Dr. Max Amuchie is the CEO of Sundiata Post and architect of The Insecurity Triad Analytical Framework, and the Trinity of State Decay theory. He writes The Sunday Stew, a weekly syndicated column on faith, character, and the forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria and Africa in a global context.
X — @MaxAmuchie | Email: max.a@sundiatapost.com | Tel: +234(0)8053069436

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Columns

Obi: Tinubu’s futile effort to scuttle a pan-Nigerian movement!

Published

7 days ago

May 7, 2026

Whirlwindnews

Godwin Obaseki, former Governor of Edo State was the first to raise the alarm. He rang the bell in the most dramatic manner in that video that went viral on the heels of the 2023 presidential election. It was about the impending tsunami confronting the Nigerian political space – the Peter Obi phenomenon!

The forum the ex-governor spoke was supposed to be a family meeting – a kitchen cabinet affair, where he interacted with the inner caucus of his Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in his state. But he ended up not only alerting the nation, but passing the message about the new reality in the must pungent, direct and unobtrusive manner – something new has come – Peter Obi.

Whether it was meant to be a warning, an admonition or simply a subject of amusement – as the governor seemed tickled while delivering it – Obaseki’s words in that outing hit the right spot in national consciousness across board. The young, the old, the healthy and the infirm, all heard it clearly. Now whatever they did individually remains a different kettle of fish.

In that encounter, Obaseki had told his audience how, despite being a governor and the engine room of the PDP in the state, his own family had turned against him with all children and other young members enlisting into the Obidient Movement and how that was true of every other family in Nigeria.

Now, was Obaseki’s depiction false? Didn’t it come to pass on February 25, 2023, when Nigerians went to the polls? If Yakubu Mahmoud and his INEC had not contrived that technical glitches arrangement to abjure the mandate of the people in line with the grab, snatch and run philosophy of the present beneficiary of that obvious heist, Obi certainly would have been Nigerian President.

Had that happened, Obi’s would have been not only a clean and wholesome mandate, untainted by the paintbrush of rigging or other electoral infamies bespattering previous efforts, it would have been a national mandate – delivered by the people of Nigeria – likened only to Moshood Abiola’s June 12, 1993 presidential election victory.

In fact, so pan-Nigerian was the Peter Obi effort that Nigerians of all ethnic and religious persuasions came together and on their own, in clusters, within housing estates, in villages and communities, contributed money to fund their individual campaigns to promote the project of getting him to the Aso Rock Villa for the nation’s number one job.

Nigerians abroad – Yoruba – Hausa – Ibibio – Jukun – Igala – Tiv – Kalabari – Igbo – Edo – made special arrangements to return home with the sole purpose of not only promoting the agenda, but actually making the idea a reality by casting their votes for him.
Obi was the only one out of the lot that contested the election in 2023 that secured the endorsement of virtually all the ethic organisations across Nigeria.

Afenifere – the pan-Yoruba socio-cultural organisation – the Middle-Belt Forum (MBF) from the North Central – Pan-Niger Delta Forum PANDEF – for the South South region and Ohanaeze – their South East counterpart – all came together to declare their support for his presidential ambition.

Now this is the same person that some naysayers are labouring too hard, day and night to closet inside the straightjacket of ethnicity and religion. From Reno Omokri to Daniel Bwala to Bayo Onanuga and others controlling working from the Presidency to their counterparts at the Blantyre Plaza APC secretariat in Abuja – they continue to trumpet the spurious, bogus and fake narrative of Obi’s ambition being steeped in some sort of Igbo agenda.

Ironically, out of the entire lot, the selfsame Obi, is the only one who came out to boldly declare that nobody should cast a vote for him because he is Igbo, rather, they should do so because they are convinced about his ability to deliver on a new Nigeria of their dreams. No other had the courage to make such a bold declaration.

Surprisingly, even Wole Soyinka, one of Nigeria’s most iconic figures – a central voice in national and international affairs – Nigeria’s man of the century – the Kongi himself – who had hitherto shot himself to a position of a super being – of immortality – beyond reproach – without any credible reason even by his own conjecture – called the Obi ambition – an IPOB agenda.

That underscores the seriousness of the entire scenario. But interestingly, no matter how they try to trumpet it, their efforts have continued to mimic a snake striking at the shell of the tortoise with the aim of infusing its killer poison.

Their frustration not only hinges on this apparent failure but their current desperation too! The Obi brand has continued to soar beyond comprehension. So, when you hear the echoes of ethnic baiting, religious smears or other primordial sentiments, just know they are trying to increase the tempo of the din! Such a frustrating task!

My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!

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Columns

Peter Obi cannot fight in the motor park to prove ruggedness

Published

7 days ago

May 7, 2026

Whirlwindnews

“This is Lagos!”

How many of you have seen this sign that introduces you into Lagos? Whoever coined that expression is highly ingenious because the essence of those three words ensconces a lot within its bowels.

It could mean that Lagos is a land of opportunities, where a man who started off as a truck loader at Iddo Motor Park, could discover opportunities to become the next billionaire around. There is a surfeit of examples.

It could also be introducing you to Nigeria’s Centre of Excellence and the pride of the nation where high-stake activities from the signing of multi-billion-dollar transactions conducted in the penthouses of Ikoyi and Victoria Island and the beautiful ambiances of the Victoria Garden City (VGC), Lekki, Banana Island and other high-brow places mimic other big cities across the globe.

Yet, it could also be a warning to the new entrants to the fact that Lagos is not for the faint-hearted, the indolent and imprudent. In other words, Lagos is not a place to loose-guard, as it is said in the local parlance, but a city where street-wisdom is as important as existence itself being the major factor and fine line between success and failure.

For me, the third example is the most relevant and essential here, because it is quite germane to the matter at hand – the current political scenario in Nigeria – regarding Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar. Obi’s defection from the African Democratic Congress (ADC) to the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), is a demonstrable example of street-wisdom at play and an emphatic message of its potency!

Since Sunday when it came to the fore that Obi had dumped the ADC and moved to the new party alongside Rabiu Kwankwaso, his new-found ally, the Atiku camp has remained on the offensive, raising the battle-cry – BETRAYAL!

They say Obi abandoning the ADC ship and porting to the NDC represents a betrayal of not only Atiku and the coalition arrangement but the battle to end the calamitous governance President Bola Tinubu – its main goal. How laughable!

Dino Melaye – Obi detests the heat of a kitchen and prefers an air-conditioned one. If he couldn’t face party primaries, having not participated in any right from his APGA days, how would he face the presidential election?

Dele Momodu – I would have wished that Obi would have waited to test his popularity in ADC…Obi did not leave because of Atiku, he left because he knew he lacked the capacity to take on Atiku.”

Even Babachir Lawal – a hitherto Obi supporter, fired his own arrow – Obi is shifty! A politician who fears elections, have no business being one. He doesn’t want to participate in primaries. He prefers a consensus candidate and that consensus must be him!

All the well-choreographed mantra, you hear from these guys, bespeak more of lamentations at missed plot to capture Obi into Atiku’s inextricable ADC web than reality of Obi lacking the sturdiness, durability and gusto to face tough battles.

In fact, Obi has nothing to prove in terms of his ability to fight. He proved this in the 2023. So by this outing alone the pale, trembling coward image they’re trying to sell to the world through this desperate narrative, falls flat on its face. But there’s more!

Talking about battles and the heat of the kitchen, this was the same Obi that stood through the courts to snatch his stolen mandate after it was snatched by the hounds in the 2003 governorship elections in his home Anambra.

This was the same Obi that sacked Chris Ngige in 2006 to retrieve his mandate and Andy Uba in 2027 in the tenure interpretation case – two seating governors in a space of one year. Who else has achieved this? This was the same Obi, who fought and returned to office after he was impeached from office as a governor.

Isn’t it laughable that it is the same man they claim is afraid to fight? What Obi is afraid of is his name being soiled in any way. It was for the reason of maintaining a clean name that he would rather yield to the pain of impeachment than offer bribes to the members of then Anambra State House of Assembly to spare his job.

Obi simply showed the hounds in ADC the import of that inscription – This is Lagos. It showed how much he understood its implication in terms of street-wisdom. How could Atiku and his men believe they could outwit Obi in that manner?

It’s like urging Ishi-Udene, my village dibia to sit at a beautiful table underneath which you buried a drum of boiling oil. He would have seen the danger in his divinity pot long before you concluded the plot.

Obi, fighting for the ADC ticket is akin to that dapper-looking bank manager, decked in designer suits, alighting from his sleek automobile and engaging those red-eyed, broken-tooted, scared faces at Mushin, Agege or Ajegunle bus stops, just to prove his toughness. What’s the use?

Now, picture this! You ran into a crowd and out of curiosity, went to observe, only to discover your spouse, clothes off, drenched in mud, broken bottles in hand, in roforofo fight at Oshodi bus stop!
Would you excuse your spouse even if provoked into that fight or celebrate the outcome, assuming the opponent was beaten to a pulp and taught a lesson?

For Peter Obi to engage in the ADC battle, it would not only take energy and sweat, it would certainly take away INTEGRITY and CREDIBILITY – the two elements that give essence to the Obi brand.

That would mean committing suicide to polish an ego. That is foolhardiness! The last time I checked, recklessness is the opposite of wisdom. And Peter Gregory Obi is not foolish. He’s a wise man!

My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice!

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