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Soludo: Two years on, how far with Anambra-Dubai-Taiwan? 

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By Sunny Igboanugo

From the first time he mentioned the concept in 2006 at the Anambra State Development Summit, hosted by the League of Anambra Professionals, through the gamut of his campaigns in 2009, the first time he stepped into the arena to contest for the governorship of the state, Chukwuma Charles Soludo, had always spoken about the Dubai-Taiwan-Silicon Valley model as his idea of development in Anambra State.

The ADT – Anambra-Dubai-Taiwan, the concept had remained a singsong even till 2021, when he campaigned, contested and won the election to the number one job in the state and the first citizen to boot.

Apparently latching on his alluring idea, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the pan-Igbo socio-cultural organisation, upped the ante by raising a 100-member Planning and Strategy Committee for the economic development of the South East, which it handed over to Soludo to design and lead. This was in June 2017, about five clear years before he became governor.

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Read by then President, Chief Nnia Nwodo, the apex decision-making body of Ndigbo, home and abroad, mandated the team to come up with the best strategy that would enable the South-east zone become self-reliant, to articulate and formulate sound strategic economic and political policies for Ndigbo, enable the Igbo body formulate integrative economic programmes for the respective states within the zone, including those outside core Igboland like Rivers and Delta States respectively.

Particularly, the team would articulate the framework for integrated railway network linking all the seven Ohanaeze states; an annual growth of one million palm trees in each of the states within the next five years; a corresponding growth of attractive processing industries for the palm produce but on high, medium and small scale levels and a policy for maximisation of the zones coal resources for power generation.

It was also to develop a geological inventory of all mineral resources and a carefully scripted plan for engaging the federal government in their exploitation; the development of a refinery for petroleum resources; a paradigm shift to greenhouses methodology for vegetable production using the Netherlands experience as a typology and a deliberate policy for development of ICT hubs in the states of the region to encourage human capital development.

Ohanaeze also charged the committee to look at an educational curriculum geared towards the development of skills amongst men and women in the region; recommendation of appropriate policies to states to improve the educational standards in their schools at all levels and growth of reliable financial institutions for mortgage, small scale business financing and research.

I had to bring this up today, for two major reasons – first, to remind Charlie Nwa Mgbafo, the name he says we should call him, of this very task and the implication thereof, to relay back to him the promises he made to Anambra people – but more importantly, to remind him of the son of whom he is, in the unlikely case he has forgotten.

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From the foregoing, it is very clear Ndigbo do not think him just a journey man. No he is not what some people derisively derogate as anyhow person. Rather, the implication of centering and building the development of the entire Igboland around him, even far back before becoming governor, means he is the Star Boy of the South East.

But how are all these panning out right now? This is exactly the raison d’etre for this effort from this end – the reason I’m here doing this. Except that there is a secret firmament outside the South East, or even Anambra State that I know, or there is a magic wand or genie that would spring out of the magic lamp somewhere, capable of waving a hand and things start happening, there are no indication there will be any major transformation of the South East in the mould described above or an Anambra that will be the Taiwan-Dubai of Africa – certainly not the Taiwan or Dubai that I know – with breathtaking edifices or business hubs that translate to robust economic wellbeing of the people. Certainly not!

I was wondering if there was anything I missed in terms of this grand plan. Google came to my rescue to assure me that I didn’t miss much when I read a piece entitled Soludo’s African Dubai Taiwan vision fully on course. The piece was written by Chris Aburime, the governor’s spokesman. I quickly rushed through to see any tangible milestone achieved in this direction which I must have missed. Unfortunately, I found none. Rather everything was still at the promissory level.

Here’s what he wrote: “Since Prof. Soludo became Governor last year, cynics have wondered if the vision is no longer there. Of course, the vision is fully on course. Most times, rain doesn’t suddenly start falling without first gathering clouds. It is necessary to note that the implementation and realization of such a vision as ADT would involve various challenges, including infrastructure development, investment attraction, policy dynamics, resource allocation planning, and more.

“As naysayers ponder the feasibility of Governor Soludo’s ambitious quest, they must be reminded that the path to greatness is never linear. The governor’s far-reaching vision is not just an arbitrary dream, but a calculated and informed aspiration that holds within it the seeds of a prosperous Anambra. History is replete with instances of visionaries who faced initial skepticism, only to prove their critics wrong with resounding success. Anambra’s journey won’t be different.

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“Now, what is really happening? How is the vision shaping up? Well, the right foundation is being laid, block by block. The enabling environment for African-Dubai Taiwan to emerge a reality is being quietly and steadfastly created. Governor Soludo’s multi-faceted approach, characterised by ongoing infrastructural investments and projects across various sectors, is a clear testament to the meticulous groundwork required for transformation on such a grand scale.” Poor Chris! He had to do his job!

I don’t want to doubt the existence of these foundations being laid “block by block,” lest I be grouped among the “naysayers.” But how really do I hear about them, or see them, assuming I’m too far in Lagos and Abuja? After all, our elders say you must see the droppings of the caterpillars – the lava eating green leaves – on the ground before looking up to the tree (a ga afu nshi igu n’ana were nebe anya ne’nu).

Those droppings of the caterpillars, I’m yet to hear about, let alone see. Or my fellow ndi-Anambra, have you seen? Help me. I don’t want to be a naysayer. Mind you, the piece by Chris was published on September 1, 2023, just a few months back. So, I’m not talking about 2022 to say one is expecting too much too soon. You mean by September 2023, you’re still doing the spadework for a project that ought to be completed in less than 24 months or at least supposed to get you to the stage, where you apply for a renewal with Anambra people to complete it? That’s the big worry.

The bigger worry is rather the unedifying and highly disturbing stories that have replaced what every Anambra indigene should be celebrating by now. Instead of news about big things – big events – what you hear daily is one squabble here and another altercation there – little events that ought not have a place in a trajectory associated with someone like Soludo. It is either Soludo is fighting with keke or okada riders or wrangling with one Igwe somewhere or talking about burial laws.

Yes! Nobody is saying that maintaining domestic laws or generating local revenues are not important, but they oughtn’t be the dominant narratives around such an economist of world renown? The other day it was a story of a bus driver escaping death by the skin of his teeth because some toughies unleashed on Anambra roads in the guise of revenue officers attacked and left him half-dead. You don’t want to hear the offence the said driver reportedly committed to be so brutalised and traumatised. Such silly narratives, being offered by an otherwise supposed urbane crowd, the world was told contained by high-octane professionals that scared many people from applying to be taken. It simply rankles!

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A few days ago, it was the same Soludo, this time suspending two traditional rulers for giving chieftaincy titles to Ifeanyi Uba, a politician and likely rival in next year’s governorship election and another of getting himself entangled with religious leaders over burial issues in the state. Haba! Does it mean he doesn’t know his classmates? Does it have to take Archbishop Val Okafor to remind him about the big things he should be focusing on?

How he didn’t realise that such a gambit of the title palavar, was to draw him to a battle in the mud, surprises me? Being seized of the Anambra political crowd myself, I know that this was what got the late Chinwoke Mbadinuju to where he was as governor of Anambra State, because instead of doing the needful by doing project, he decided to engage some loafers in the state who were prepared to drag anyone into the gutters where they dwelled.

The only thing the former governor succeeded in doing was throwing Anambra money to the waiting hands of some hounds at Wadata Plaza, home of the PDP and the remaining to others found inside the Presidential Villa, all which amounted to nothing. Instead of any meaningful gains, he went down with sorrow and tears – with the damning record of losing the bid for a second term, the main reason he stepped into the ring with his traducers. Today, the same forces are out with the same gameplan and Soludo is blind to it? Terrible!

Okay, how could revenues from Okada riders or keke operators be the benchmark for raising funds necessary for creating the ADT? How much are all the kekes in Anambra State put together worth? Mind you, I’m not talking about Soludo as any other governor in Nigeria. I’m talking about Soludo, the world class economist who not only teaches the subject but consulted and perhaps still consults for some of the most influential global institutions. I’m talking about a former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria!

He’s not just a backwater political thug somewhere like many of his colleagues, who earned their positions through acts of brute force and political brigandage. He’s heads and shoulders high and above all his contemporaries in Nigeria today in matters of the economy and surrounding elements. Is pursuing keke operators or altercations with political enemies or enforcing burial and chieftaincy laws all we’re going to get from this tall profile? Tufia kwa! Chukwu a ju!

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The World Economic Forum (WEF), has just opened in Davos Switzerland. Soludo should be heading one of the committees or chairing one of the sessions at that meeting starting from January 15 and ending on the 19. He should be seen shaking hands with Jeff Bezos or emerging from crucial meetings with the Elon Musks of this world on how to build the biggest and largest electric car factories in Anambra or at least one of the component parts either at Mgbuka Obosi or Mkpor Old Road.

That is the type of discussions that will transform Anambra and achieve the ADT dreams and not chasing after keke or okada or confronting Odumeje in Okpoko. The optics we should be relating to his name and the soundbites that should be emerging from Awka, should have some global contents and not these little pictures and concomitant odious stories therefrom.

Before anyone asks for it, I have the locus not only to say so, but to demand so. One, I’m Igbo – the type the late Ikemba Nnewi, Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu called Igbo gbogborigbo. I’m also from Anambra and more importantly from OAU – Old Aguata Union, same as he. So, between Soludo and me is the distance between the left hand and the buttocks – uturuhu na akaekpe. He’s my brother, he’s our own – occupying our position and share in Anambra.

Incidentally, I’d only come at close range with Soludo on two occasions. That was several years back – at the beginning of his campaign in 2009 when he fired the first shot at his current office and at the end of it when he lost. I recall at the first event was inside the Oriental Hotels in Lekki, Lagos, with Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala also present. I can’t recall what it was all about or who invited me. But that was where I formed the first real impression that he was an all-round gifted person after listening to him – a man gifted in education and native intelligence.

One of the analogies that accentuated my admiration, in the quite witty delivery that night, which was laced with a lot of wisecracks, was when he told the audience that in the journey he was embarking on, despite the ties and agbada, there would also be a time to remove the shirt, throw down the slate and decide the matter physically. Many of us who could relate, having also passed through primary schools where roforofo fights were used to decide disputes were also fascinated that apart from his high attainment, he could still recall home.

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During another meeting at the Chinese restaurant along Isaac John in Ikeja GRA, where he met with a group of top editors after he lost the election, he not only displayed his great intellect in articulating his plans for the state but the passion to carry them out that at the end of it all, many were wondering how Anambra could sidestep such great opportunity of not hiring him for the job. Of course, I had no answer for those who posed this question to me directly as his brother.

Incidentally, now he has the opportunity, what are we hearing? Keke, agboro, Ndi-igwe, burial! No now! I hope it is not the overdose of the roforofo fight idea. If nobody is telling him, let me do so. Charlie Nwa Mgbafo, time is running out. We want to see the droppings of the caterpillars on the ground. We don’t want to see the great crash that will come otherwise.

Here, I’m not talking about winning the next election or second term. In Anambra State where Willie Obiano, whose tenure posted the most insipid, wasteful and calamitous era in Anambra State, could win a second term, which governor will not. All it requires is to visit Abuja, empty the purse of the state there and the rest will be easy. I hope that will not be the story of Soludo, who was an insider in that dark era. I truly hope.

Ndi Anambra must see what the late Chukwuemeka Ezeife called eye-marked projects that indicate the roads to the much-advertised ADT. Time was yesterday. But there is still room even now. All it requires is to get over whatever the elements that imprison governors in offices until the final hour.

Let me end with this story. There was once this governor who was a very good friend. We were quite close before he became a governor and even closer in the first few months in office. I used to end the day with him before returning home as he requested just to brief him as his eyes and ears, though in unofficial capacity.

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For the period this arrangement endured, he did so well that he became the toast of the state and even in many parts of the country. Then one day, as usual, we were relaxing when he told me something that dampened my spirit, indicating that the politicians had finally captured him. You see all these projects, they’re just for two years. The remaining years will be to prepare for the election. Then it got eerier – in that election, even if it entails importing soldiers from North Korea, I’ll do it!

But why would you need to import soldiers when you’re doing so well? Nobody can beat you in any election with the way you’re going? His answer – you don’t know politics. This was a man, as a rookie, I consulted for and provided the media backbone, now telling me that I didn’t know politics.

Of course, need I say that he got his second term? But he turned out one of the most underwhelming governors that ever sat in that office in the history of Nigeria. Naturally, I was no longer there when he earned that reputation, having been gradually edged out and finally becoming an enemy. Today, my good friend might not win a local government in a free and fair election in the same state, should he try.

So, the argument is not about winning the next election. With INEC now wearing the inglorious tag of the most corrupt institution not only in Nigeria, but globally and with the recent elections in which election results were already in the hands of governor days before, with some of them posting victory in all their local governments in the manner of council elections, and boasting about it, Soludo will be contesting against himself.

Mana agbachaa oso a guo mile. What about the Soludo brand? What about the ADT? That is the issue. What would he be leaving behind? Peter Obi didn’t promise anyone ADT. Yet, today, he remains the biggest reference point in Anambra State for big things despite futile efforts to blight that enviable record.

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In fact only recently, one of his traducers had attempted to rewrite history, by claiming during a heated argument – “all the roads Peter Obi did in Anambra have collapsed,” he said with some haughty cavalier arrogance of Mr. Know-all. Unfortunately for him, the forum had a good sprinkling of Anambra indigenes, who went for his jugular.

In my own case, I cited the Aguata-Aguluezechukwu-Ogboji-Ndiokpalaeze-Akpu-Ajalli road, which passes through my community, as one of those that have stood the test of time and would likely do so for the next decades except there’s a deliberate effort to destroy it.

His posting in the last election and current rating now, is of course an evidence that Nigerians have eyes and could also hear the echoes no matter how far they’re coming. Res ipsa loquitur – the fact speaks for itself, the lawyers would say. How many people will stand and throw such defence in favour of Soludo outside his government today, not to talk about when this is over. That’s the challenge. But is it too late? Mind you, there’s more where this came from!

My name is Sunny Igboanugo and I’m The Tiny Voice!

 

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Application of common sense in leadership versus propaganda

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By John Okiyi Kalu

 

There are three issues most national opinion molders hold against former Governor of Abia State, Dr Okezie Ikpeazu: N500 for pregnant women; hunters and palm wine tappers as Ebubeagu operatives, and Chicken Republic as metaphor for economic growth.

While the then Governor might not have used the language of the media to explain those issues, it has always been clear to me his actions were common sense solutions that should be studied and applauded.

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According to Section 14(2) (b) of the 1999 (amended) Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government. It is left for every leader in government to evolve policies and programs that will deliver on the purpose of its existence. It follows therefore that a successful government in Nigeria is one that fulfills the purpose of its existence and not the one that made the most noise in the media. While some leaders prefer to silently do their job, others deploy media noise as their cardinal focus of governance.

Common sense is simply the ability to think and behave in a reasonable way and to make good decisions. Common sense leadership dictates that in prescribing solutions to a challenge, leaders must think things through, have good knowledge of the environment and use what they have (including human and financial resources) in the right mix to deliver and sustain good governance.

N500 to pregnant women in Abia State

While reviewing data on maternal and infant mortality in Abia State, it was discovered that most women in rural Abia preferred to use the services of traditional birth attendants whose methods have long been judged to be crude and unsafe by health authorities. Yet, those birth attendants were the closest to rural women.

Ikpeazu’s solution was to equip and proliferate primary healthcare centers (PHCs) across the state (over 700 located in 184 wards of the state) and link them to a 24/7 Telehealth center (dial-a-doc) located inside government house, Umuahia, with medical doctors on call to attend to issues from all the PHCs. With that firmly established, the challenge was how to get pregnant rural women to visit the healthcare centers instead of patronising traditional birth attendants.

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Governor Ikpeazu decided to incentivise change by simply approving N500 for transport to a healthcare facility to be paid on every visit. The implication was that if a pregnant woman visited 20 times for checks, she would collect N500 multiplied by 20. In addition to that, every pregnant woman was offered free birth-pack, valued at more than N40,000 at the time, as well as delivery at zero cost. In most public hospitals in Nigeria it costs at least N200,000 to deliver a baby.

Available data clearly shows that as a result of the common sense measures put in place by Governor Ikpeazu, attendance to healthcare facilities in Abia increased by 71% under his watch with maternal/infant mortality rate dropping by more than 30%. In fact, the World Health Organisation and the Federal Ministry of Health issued its first and only gold award for Primary Healthcare Under One Roof to Governor Okezie Ikpeazu for doing an excellent work.

Hunters, Palmwine Tappers and Ebubeagu

In the days when the formation of a regional security force was popular within the South East, there were two major related security issues: farmers-herdsmen clashes and kidnapping for ransom. At the heart of the two security challenges were reports of armed gangs living in forests in Igbo land from where they attacked security agents and innocent folks then take their victims back to the forests until ransom was paid.

Our people wanted the criminals removed from our forests and believed that the formation of an armed Ebubeagu force would achieve that. But Governor Ikpeazu was not convinced about arming Ebubeagu because he recalled the extra-judicial activities of the defunct Bakassi Boys that led to loss of several innocent lives in our state and said something profound during one of the meetings of the state executive council: “No doubt, we have a problem and must solve it but we should ask ourselves this: if we arm our people to fight the criminals how do we retrieve the arms afterwards and what will a hungry man with skills in use of arms do when people are not looking?”

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We decided that since there were conventional armed security forces like the police, army, navy, DSS, civil defence and others operating within our state the solution should be to empower and deliver prompt and precise information to them to ensure they do the job for which they receive salary. We approved massive support (financial incentives, vehicles, communication gadgets, monitoring and control centers, modem operational structures etc), from the government of Abia State to those agencies.

In addition to increased funding for regular security forces, improvements in crime fighting infrastructure, we also approved take off resources for Ebubeagu strictly as community-based information and intelligence gathering outfit that did not bear arms while concurrently developing a second-to-none information sharing structure between the government and security agencies. I make bold to state that under Ikpeazu it was near impossible for new faces to enter any of our communities without the information coming to the center in Umuahia. Suspicious visitors were monitored until they left or were interrogated by regular security agents.

The result of Ikpeazu’s common sense approach was that Abia became the oasis of peace in a troubled South East region and among the top three safest states in Nigeria. In contrast, those states that celebrated armed Ebubeagu with popular applause recorded higher crime waves and widespread insecurity that still haunt the states to date. Ikpeazu received national awards on security without toeing the popular path but rather applying common sense approach to leadership.

Chicken Republic as a metaphor for economic growth

While answering questions on investment and economic growth under his watch, Governor Okezie Ikpeazu cited proliferation of Chicken Republic Restaurant branches in the state as evidence of improvement. The usual crowd decided to make a joke out of it without reviewing to understand where he was going with that. But few correctly understood his example to mean that increased consumption and patronage for luxury food brands signpost growth in economic activities within a location.

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Permit me to briefly digress with VAT collection before returning to the Chicken Republic metaphor. Definitionally, VAT refers to a consumption tax on goods and services levied at each stage of the supply chain where value is added. It goes without saying that its volume in a locality can be used as an indication of the volume of buying and selling in the area. So states with low economic activities usually have low VAT collection and vice versa.

Recently, NBS reported that Abia State has dropped to 35th position on VAT remittances. With an economist as the current Governor of the state he should ordinarily be worried because the ranking shows very low and declining economic activities within the state. More crucially, it is a valid indicator that whatever the government is spending in terms of construction, payment to workers etc, are not being felt in the state but rather being siphoned out of the state. A government that claims to have spent more than N300 billion in infrastructure and salaries should be worried that VAT collection is declining on its watch.

It is also very easy to guess that low VAT collection means outfits like Chicken Republic are making much less than they were doing before now and if that trend continues, they will close shops in Abia and go elsewhere. Meanwhile, the propaganda mill says Abia has improved a million times under the incumbent Governor but simple check with independent data suggests otherwise to the educated mind. The situation raises very profound issues for further research on what is happening to Abia money.

So, when Governor Ikpeazu pointed to proliferation of Chicken Republic and such other outfits on his watch he was rightly advancing the case that economic activities were improving including investment in the state from outside. He was simply saying money was flowing into his state and the economic wellbeing of his people was improving on his watch. VAT receipts and other data supported his position.

When the NBS, World Bank and relevant Federal Government agencies studied multi-dimensional poverty index across the country, they rated Ikpeazu’s Abia as the third best in Nigeria with indicators that included employment, healthcare, security and economic growth. What does that say to you about commonsense approach to leadership compared to high sounding propaganda?

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Chief Kalu was Commissioner for Information, Trade & Investment in Abia State

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“Leadership Failure and State Capture in Nigeria” – by Olusegun Obasanjo

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KEYNOTE ADDRESS

By

President Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR

At the Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum, Yale University New Haven, Connecticut, USA, November 15, 2024 

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Professor Christie Achebe and the Achebe family; Maurie McInnis, President, Yale University; Steven Wilkinson, Nilekani Professor of India and South Asian Studies, Professor of Political Science and International Affairs, Henry Luce Director, the Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International & Area Studies; Vice Provost for Global Strategy, Professor Cajetan Iheka, Convener, Director, Whitney Humanities Center, Chair, Council on African Studies and Head, Yale Africa Initiative; distinguished professors and scholars, esteemed guests, students, ladies and gentlemen.

Without being immodest, I will begin by saying that it is appropriate that I was invited to deliver the keynote address at a gathering in honour of the late Professor Chinua Achebe. Not just because I have been Head of State and President of Nigerian on two different periods of our beloved nation’s history – most will agree fairly successfully – but because I have known the man, his work, and his values for as long as our Nation has been in existence. He was a great and distinguished Nigerian.

Yale university would be correct in their belief that Achebe belongs to the world – and therefore to them as well – but I am here to tell them that he is an African Icon that belongs to Nigeria first. The Igbo amongst us – his own ethnic people – will remind us that within Igboland he is known as “the Eagle on Iroko” – the “king of the birds” perched on the tallest tree in the African rainforest – a title that encompasses the reverence and awe in which he was held.

As Head of State of Nigeria, I oversaw the establishment of the Nigerian National Merit Award (now known as The Nigerian National Order of Merit Award (NNOM)- Nigeria’s highest award for outstanding academic and intellectual contributions to the growth and development of Nigeria.

The young people in the room will be pleased to know that the first recipients of this prestigious award were Professor Chinua Achebe, Professor Teslim Olawale Elias, Professor Thomas Adeoye Lambo, and Alhaji Abubakar Imam. They were all conferred with the merit award in 1979 by a debonair, young Head of State named Olusegun Obasanjo. I was 42 years old at that time. That same year, Achebe accepted a national award from me as well. That he later, developed an aversion to National Awards is a topic for Yale University’s epistemological researchers to uncover.

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I invoke jest to parlay into a much darker topic for which we are gathered here to address: The failure of governance in Nigeria and the near collapse of our Nation State. What better way to tackle this uncomfortable topic than to revisit a short, classic treatise published in 1983, called The Trouble with Nigeria, by non-other than Chinua Achebe.

Leadership: The Nigerian Conundrum 

Achebe opens that slim book like this: “The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, to the challenge of personal example which are the hallmarks of true leadership.”

In hindsight, this forty-one-year-old prescriptive analysis on the root causes of Nigeria’s leadership crisis is quite moderate and appropriate. It is at least not as desolate as the diagnosis provided by Robert Rotberg and John Campbell, two prominent US intellectuals – the latter a former United States ambassador to Nigeria to boot: “Nigeria has long teetered on the precipice of failure,” they argue. “Unable to keep its citizens safe and secure, Nigeria has become a fully failed state of critical geopolitical concern. Its failure matters because the peace and prosperity of Africa and preventing the spread of disorder and militancy around the globe depend on a stronger Nigeria.”

At least, they acknowledge that Nigeria – the most populous and economically viable country on the African continent – is, as the Americans will popularly put it, “too big to fail…” Let us not fool ourselves, there is a lot to be concerned about, where Nigeria is concerned. For one, Nigeria’s GDP has declined from $510 billion – after it was rebased in July, 2014, by then Finance Minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and colleagues – to the recent revision downwards by the IMF to $199 billion today. By the end of my tenure in 2007, the country’s average GDP growth over my 8 years in office was 6.59 per cent (reaching 15.3% in 2002) – one of the highest in the world. This increase was attributable to the quality of the leaders we had in our government – the eminent, late, Bola Ige, General TY Danjuma, Adamu Ciroma, Sule Lamido, Mohammed Arzika, Liyel Imoke, Jerry Gana, Kanu Agabi, the aforementioned Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, and several others who came on board in my second term.

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One of the stars of that cabinet, Mrs. Oby Ezekwesili, Former Minister of Solid Minerals and later Education of Nigeria is also here today. Other reasons for the country’s robust growth at the time can be attributable to reforms we instituted, especially in the private sector and service delivery. They include the liberalization of the telecommunications sector, the recapitalization exercise witnessed in the banking sector in 2004, pension scheme and administration and many areas of production and productivity and investment. I must not forget debt relief.

The genesis of the Leadership Crisis 

Home grown, American based, political science experts Professor Obasesam Okoi and MaryAnne Iwara, in a recent article published by the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs explored the complex, cacophony of factors at the root of Nigeria’s leadership conundrum: “The failure of governance in Nigeria manifests in the declining capacity of political leaders to recognize systemic risks such as election fraud, terrorist attacks, herder-farmer conflict, armed banditry, and police brutality and put in place the necessary measures to navigate these challenges.

In contrast with the current system in which leadership is attained through bribery, intimidation, and violence, Nigeria needs a system of governance that is founded on the pedigree of its political leaders and the education of its voters.”

So, what is to be done? I am sure you ask. To tackle and symbolically cut-off the head of this hydra-headed monster, Nigeria must address a number of these challenges head-on.

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Strengthening Democracy: 

“The government is us; we are the government, you and I.” Theodore Roosevelt

I dare say that, that is when democracy works and delivers. The 2023 elections in Nigeria were “a travesty” by all rational measures. Following that problem prone exercise, electoral system reform is now among the top targets for change in Nigeria. Global think tanks such as the Pew Research Center, The Carnegie Foundation as well as the Electoral Knowledge network suggest that there should be three principal areas of focus – Legal, Administrative and Political. Electoral Management Bodies ( EMBs) – INEC (Independent National Electoral Commission) in Nigeria – as well as its stakeholders will need to play distinct roles within the rubric of each area.

  • Legal: Many scholars and some well- meaning Nigerians believe that Nigeria needs to take a closer look at our Constitution. We may have to “amend our constitution, electoral and/ or related rules, and regulations to enhance the integrity, relevance, and adequacy of the legal framework within which the INEC delivers its This may include institutional reform of the INEC itself.”ii
  • Administrative: This will require several levels of intervention:
  • Integrity of INEC officials. As a matter of urgency, we must make sure the INEC Chairperson and his or her staff are thoroughly vetted. The vetting exercise should yield dispassionate, non-partisan, actors with impeccable reputations. Nigeria must ensure the appointment of new credible INEC leadership at the Federal, State, Local government and municipal – city, town, and village levels – with short tenures – to prevent undesirable political influence and corruption, and reestablish trust in the electoral systems by its citizens. The INEC Chairperson must not only be absolutely above board, he must also be transparently independent and incorruptible.
  • Political: Nigeria must find a way to prevent electoral interference at every Protecting elections from foreign as well as local malevolent actors is critical. Doing away with their malign influence is crucial for safeguarding democratic integrity and ensuring that election outcomes truly reflect the will of the people.iii On the local level, we should implement and enforce clearly defined financial regulations for political campaigns, establish effective control and enforcement mechanisms to   ensure   compliance   with financial regulations; and intensify activities to prepare and secure the voting infrastructure – such as safeguarding the technology used to collate, transmit, verify, and disperse election results.
  • Cybersecurity level: Prior to elections, we should have a transparent exercise (witnessed by international observers) where so called “penetration testing of the election system and infrastructure” is conducted for all to witness and
  • Prevention of Electoral violence: Nigeria must ensure the physical security of the commissions and Our security apparatus must be professionally trained to protect our citizens during elections not to be participants in electoral malfeasance.
  • Foreign interference can undermine public trust in the electoral process and distort the democratic decision-making that underpins the nation’s governance. Additionally, preventing such influence and interference helps maintain national security and protects the sovereignty of the electoral system from external manipulation.
  • Voter Registration and Identification: We must ensure that our voter rolls are accurate and up to date and free from interference from the political class or any other corrupting
  • Ballot Security: INEC must ensure that it institutes ballot security to prevent tinkering or unauthorized access – manually or by Ballot security also means the secure storage and transport of ballots to collation centers to prevent any form of interference.
  • Vote Counting and Reporting: Let’s be clear: The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and INEC Election Result Viewing Portal (IReV) are two technological innovations that prior to 2023 were celebrated for their promise. They were to “potentially” enhance the accuracy and transparency of our election results, eliminate the threat of election rigging, and boost public trust in electoral outcomes. These technologies were touted by the INEC chairman himself. In the end, these technologies did not fail. INEC willfully failed to use or implement them which resulted in widespread voting irregularities.v It was a case of inviting the Fox into the hen house.
  • Improving our Educational System: The French statesman and lawyer Maximilien Robespierre famously stated that: “The secret of freedom lies in educating people, whereas the secret of tyranny is in keeping them ignorant.”

The great Nelson Mandela reminds us that: “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” Our own Achebe implores that “A functioning, robust democracy requires a healthy educated, participatory followership, and an educated, morally grounded leadership.”

Professor Obasesam Okoi and MaryAnne Iwara call for epistocratic governance and electoral practices, greater civic engagement and provide a salient explanation of Nigeria’s election woes and a path forward: “In Nigeria, the majority of citizens are uneducated on political issues. Simultaneously, those who are highly educated are increasingly becoming indifferent to political participation; they have lost faith in the power of their votes and the integrity of the political system…in Nigeria, there must be significant improvements in literacy levels so that citizens are educated about the issues and can use their knowledge to make informed decisions about Nigeria’s political future.

It is important to mention that Nigeria’s political elites have exploited illiteracy to reinforce ethnic, religious, and political divisions between groups that impede democratic ideals…The Constitution must ensure that only citizens who can formulate policies and make informed decisions in the public’s best interest can run for public office. When the Constitution dictates the standard of [ governance], informed citizens will be better equipped to champion political leadership or determine the qualifications of their leaders.”

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Unfortunately, like many other sectors, the educational system in Nigeria has collapsed. Nigerians are excelling in every academic discipline globally, why have we allowed our educational system to rot back home? In order for Democracy to thrive, we must collectively rebuild our once envied educational sector.

The starting point for me is paying adequate attention to popular education to ensure education for all. A situation where 24 million children that should in school and are out of school does not augur well for our present and our future.

The second task here would be to pull together the ‘best and brightest experienced minds’ in education to help us achieve some of the following goals:

  • Revamping our entire educational Mediocrity runs rampant in many spheres of Nigerian society. There has to be an increased emphasis on excellence, accountability and performance at all levels including within the Educational sector to salvage it.
  • This will require great leadership and financial commitment from the private and public I know that we can get support from our development partners.
  • Transparency: We must put in place post- election audits and transparent processes – clear documentation and paths for meticulous and free and fair voting, and credible electoral system – that builds trust and comfort for all stakeholders and vii
  • Again, more on Cybersecurity: “In an age where cyber threats are increasingly sophisticated, protecting election systems from hacking, data breaches, and other cyberattacks is vital. This includes everything from the security of voter databases to the protection of websites used to report results.” We saw this cybersecurity failure play out during the last election and we must make sure it never happens again.
  • Impunity: Politicians corruptly getting themselves declared as winner in an election where votes do not matter and asking winner declared loser to go to court where justice cannot be assured is the easiest and best way to kill electoral democracy.

Corruption in Nigeria: “Among   a   people   generally corrupt,       liberty cannot long exist.” – Edmund Burke. Let me return to Achebe and the Trouble with Nigeria for clarity of perspective on the Nigerian dilemma. According to Chinua Achebe: “… Corruption goes with power; …therefore to hold any useful discussion of corruption, we must first locate it where it properly belongs – in the ranks of the powerful…Corruption in Nigeria has passed the alarming and entered the fatal stage; and Nigeria will die if we keep pretending that she is only slightly indisposed.”

Ranked 150 out of 180 countries in the Transparency International 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index,1 Nigeria’s ranking places it in the bottom 20 per cent of the comity of Nations; and illustrates how systemic and embedded corruption is in the country. It is, in my opinion, and those of many, the most serious developmental challenge to the nation. When I joined Peter Eigen to establish Transparency International on May 4, 1993, we saw corruption as possible death knell of development and democracy.

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is a Nigerian law enforcement agency promulgated to tackle corruption in Nigeria. It is but one of numerous bodies – buttressed by Acts and laws – established in Nigeria to tackle and address the exponential growth of corruption in the country.

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Nigeria’s Report Card on Corruption: 

To get a snapshot on how Nigeria is faring in its fight against corruption (some cynics will say cuddling or even, promotion of corruption), we need not look further than the UNODC ( the United Nations office of Drugs and Crimes) in its publication: Corruption in Nigeria: patterns and trends, 2024,x which provides novel conclusions while identifying several areas of deepening pathology:

  1. In 2024, Corruption continues to rank among the most important problems affecting
  2. More than NGN 700 billion in cash bribes were paid by citizens to public officials in
  3. Most bribes are paid in the street or in a public official’s
  4. Private sector bribery is increasing, but continues to be less prevalent than in the public
  5. Issues specific to the criminal justice system are a sore point – I will tackle that in the next
  6. Nepotism and bribery in public sector recruitment and promotion – In recent years we have witnessed outrageous, open recruitment of children of Judges onto our Judiciary benches by their parents! Why has the Nigerian Bar Association allowed this to persist? The manipulation of ethnic sentiments to further corrupt agendas – the last political exercise is replete with ample evidence of

The Survey findings indicate that corruption in Nigeria has penetrated every layer of society:

In 2023, 5.1 bribes were paid on average by each bribe payer in Nigeria in the 12 months prior to the election. Out of all Nigerian citizens who had at least one contact with a public official in the 12 months prior to the 2023 survey, 27 per cent paid a bribe to a public official.

Happily, there was some good news to report: 70 per cent of Nigerians who were asked to pay a bribe in 2023, refused to do so on at least one occasion. The bribery refusal rate was found to be highest in the North-West (at 76 per cent), although all zones recorded refusal rates above 60 per cent. Public officials continue to be blatant about bribe requests, but less so than in the Nigerians are increasingly reporting bribe payments to official.

I will conclude this section by quoting Achebe once more: “… Nigerians are corrupt because the system under which they live today makes corruption easy and profitable; they will cease to be corrupt when corruption is made difficult and inconvenient.” The greatest antidote of corruption is leadership integrity with consequences for offenders no matter who they are.

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Rebuilding the Judiciary: 

“True peace is not merely the absence of tension; it is the presence of justice.” – Martin Luther King

According to Willian H. Neukom, CEO of the World Justice Project: The rule of law is a durable system of laws, institutions, norms, and community commitment that delivers four universal principles: accountability, just law, open government, and accessible and impartial justice.”

The Judiciary in Nigeria is a very pale version of its once internationally esteemed self. Politicians after rigging elections openly ask their rivals to “go to court” in Nigeria because they are aware that they have completely compromised the Judiciary system. A number of Judges are in the pockets of wealthy politicians and individuals and make judgements – not based on the law of the land but to the highest bidder. This, my learned audience, is one of the most effective strategies of State Capture – discussed next – that must be excised from Nigeria like a surgeon cutting out a malignant cancer.

Transparency International suggests that “Corruption in the judicial system breaks the basic principle of equality before the law and deprives people of their right to a fair trial. In a corrupt judicial system, money and influence may decide which cases are prioritized or dismissed. Perpetrators may get away unpunished while victims are left with no answer and no justice.”

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“Simple reforms can prevent this. An independent body and public oversight can guarantee that appointments in the judiciary are based on merit rather than favoritism. Judicial personnel should be adequately trained and receive fair salaries and pensions, to make them less vulnerable to bribery. Judges’ personal liability for decisions should be limited and, to protect them from pressure by powerful interests, only credible and transparent investigations should be conducted against them. Civil society, the private sector, and the media – we all have a vital role to play.”

What is State Capture? 

The World Bank and Transparency International define State capture as one of the most pervasive forms of corruption, “a situation where powerful individuals, institutions, companies, or groups within or outside a country use corruption to shape a nation’s policies, legal environment, and economy, to benefit their own private interests.

State capture is not always overt and obvious. It can also arise from the more subtle close alignment of interests between specific business and political elites through family ties, friendships, and the intertwined ownership of economic assets.

What is happening in Nigeria -right before our eyes – is state capture: The purchase of National assets by political elites – and their family members – at bargain prices, the allocation of national resources – minerals, land, and even human resources – to local, regional, and international actors. It must be prohibited and prevented through local and international laws.

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“Public institutions such as the legislature, the executive, the judiciary, and regulatory agencies both at the federal and local levels are subject to capture. As such, state capture can broadly be understood    as   the    disproportionate and unregulated influence of interest groups or decision-making processes, where special interest groups manage to bend state laws, policies, and regulations. They do so through practices such as illicit contributions paid by private interests to political parties, and for election campaigns, vote-buying, buying of presidential decrees or court decisions, as well as through illegitimate lobbying and revolving door appointments.

The main risk of state capture is that decisions no longer take into consideration the public interest, but instead favor a specific special interest group or individual. Laws, policies, and regulations are designed to benefit a specific interest group, often times to the detriment of smaller firms and groups and society in general. State capture can seriously affect economic development, regulatory quality, the provision of public services, quality of education and health services, infrastructure decisions, and even the environment and public health.”

My military training and experience taught me that what you capture, you tend to hold under your sole control for as long as you can hold it. That is the case of one governor of a state who still holds the state captive in his pocket 25 years after being the governor of the state.

Insecurity: 

“A series of overlapping security, political and economic crises has left Nigeria facing its worst instability since the end of the Biafran war in 1970.”xviii Writing in Security and Defense Quarterly, Tope Shola Akinyetun, Victor Chukwugekwu Ebonine, Iyase Ambrose profess: “Nigeria is presently bedeviled by an abundance of security challenges that gnaw at the very soul of the nation’s existence. The prevalence of insecurity in the country is multipronged and caught in a cyclic web. Insecurity in Nigeria comprises insurgency, killer herdsmen, extrajudicial killings, ethnoreligious conflict, armed robbery, militancy, banditry, cybercrime, and attacks by unknown gunmen, among other things”.

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How did Nigeria the giant of Africa get to this situation?

The genesis of insecurity in Nigeria is a perfect storm of political incompetence and corruption, state capture, institutional collapse, porous borders, religious extremism, and severe multi- dimensional poverty. There is a compelling need to address the protracted and recurring multidimensional insecurity in Nigeria. “These security threats not only undermine national stability and the rule of law, but also have adverse effects on the economy, affecting price, output, employment, trade balance, poverty, inequality, defense expenditure, government budget patterns, socio-political environment, and several others.”

Nigeria’s own government’s Ministry of Budget and Economic planning has a thought or two about our current predicament: “Security challenges in any nation constitute a threat to the lives and properties of its citizens, hinder business activities, and discourage local and foreign investors which invariably slow down economic growth and development.

Nigeria in recent times has recorded unprecedented security challenges such as Boko Haram Terrorists (BHTs) attacks, militancy, armed robbery, banditry, kidnapping for ransom, Fulani-Herders farmers clashes, cultism among other social vices. These security challenges have propelled then to the top of the list of the most critical tests to Nigeria’s sovereign existence. Its presence looms unabated even as it has attracted huge allocation of national budget to the security sector (Achumba and Akpor). But it has become an industry in some quarters. Throw more money to what money cannot buy.

Nigeria’s Porous Borders:

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“Nigeria has porous borders and herders from other parts of West Africa nations armed with AK 47 have found easy access into.

“A nation that opens her borders, allows other nationalities to come in at will and has so many ungoverned spaces would certainly face security challenges. As a consequence of our porous borders, the forests are not secured due to lack of Forest Guards, and 75 per cent of the illicit arms in West Africa sub region are domiciled in. This is a recipe for disaster – as we are currently witnessing.

So, What is the Genesis of Insecurity in Nigeria?

Professor Obasesam Okoi and MaryAnne Iwara and Suleiman Arzika provide some salient insights:

  1. Mismanagement of public funds and Corruption: We have already tackled this topic earlier in this address. Suffice is to say that “the democratic space [for too long] has been dominated by political elites who consistently violate fundamental principles associated with a liberal democratic system, such as competitive elections, the rule of law, political freedom, and respect for human. The outcome  of   the   recent   2023 elections further eroded public trust in the ability of the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) to organize competitive elections unfettered by the authoritarian influences of the ruling class. This challenge is an indicator of the systemic failure in Nigeria’s governance system. A continuation of the current system will only accelerate the erosion of public trust and democratic institutions. In contrast with the current system in which votes are attained through empty promises, bribery, voter intimidation, and violence, Nigeria needs a governance system that will enhance the education of its voters and the capability of its leaders.”
  2. Poor planning: Lack of sustainable national development plans and Poor implementation of projects and
  3. Poor Security Architecture: The security challenges we have in Nigeria today are also a result of the inability of the government to reform the security architecture of the country to suit the current demands. The Police, Military and intelligence agencies are still structured and operated along colonial constructs and systems.
  1. Lack of adequate personnel: The combined number of the military, police and civil defense forces is less than 1m and over half of them are mostly engaged in administrative, VIP and other mundane work. For a country of over 200 million population, the ratio is quite The land area is vast and the population is mostly poor, illiterate, and prone to exploitation.
  2. Lack of Equipment: The police and military have poor equipment for the most basic security work. They lack basic communication devices, hardware like guns, bullets, protective kits, They lack transportation and logistics. They lack database and IT systems for tracking and record keeping.
  3. Corruption, Poor training, and Remuneration: Our police are some of the worst paid and trained on the African continent– leaving them prone to, and occasional active participants in corrupt practices. A police officer who cannot feed himself or his/her family cannot be expected to establish order and security hampered by the lack of equipment, coordination, and poor training. Corruption: Massive corruption at the top of the security forces has permeated the entire system from the top officials to the patrol officers on the streets. This is caused by poor conditions of service and employee treatment: where salaries are poor and not paid on time, devoid of benefits – inadequate or lack of life insurance, poor housing, planning, etc. Deployment of security forces has become more synonymous with extortion in the areas they   are   deployed   than          improvement      in security.
  4. Neglect of industrial, agricultural, and other sectors of the economy and over dependence on oil sector.
  5. Lack of electricity generative capacity which has forced several local and international companies to close or flee our
  6. Food Insecurity Food insecurity requires special attention as this is one of the most serious developments in Nigeria in recent years. At this juncture in the address, it is important to cast our minds back in history. There are several corollaries between what is happening in Nigeria today and the events leading up to the French Revolution:

Food insecurity was a major factor in the French Revolution (1789–1799):

  • Crop failures: A series of poor harvests in the 1770s and late 1780s led to food shortages and famine. The lower class, who produced most of the country’s food, relied on grain as a primary food
  • High food prices: The lower grain yields caused prices to
  • Substandard food quality: The bread that was available was often poor quality, blackish, earthy, and
  • Food distribution: There was a discrepancy in food distribution within and around
  • Marie Antoinette’s comment: The queen’s comment, “Qu’ils mangent de la brioche” (“Let them eat cake”), when told that her subjects had no bread, made her a hated symbol of the

Other factors that contributed to the French Revolution include: The Estate System, Absolutism, Enlightenment ideas, and The American Revolution.

In the seminal book Food Security and Political Stability: A Humanitarian Perspective, Daniel Maxwell postulates that “In terms of causation, when it comes to Food insecurity in particular, these links run in both directions—food insecurity can be a cause of political instability, but political instability and conflict have also been causes of food insecurity or famine.” According to UNICEF: “ Nearly 25 million Nigerians are at risk of facing starvation and severe hunger if urgent action is not taken. This is a projected increase from the estimated 17 million people currently at risk of food insecurity. Continued conflict, climate change, inflation and rising food prices are key drivers of this alarming trend. Food access has been affected by persistent violence in the north-east states of Borno, Adamawa and Yobe (BAY) and armed banditry and kidnapping in states such as Katsina, Sokoto, Kaduna, Benue, and Niger. According to the National Emergency Management Agency, widespread flooding in the 2024 rainy season damaged more than 676,000 hectares of farmlands, which diminished harvests and increased the risk of food insecurity for families across the country. The flooding is one of the effects of climate change and variability impacting Nigeria. More extreme weather patterns affecting food security are anticipated in the future.

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Aggravating this desperate situation are the unscrupulous members of Nigeria’s Political elites who, rather than fix the aforementioned problems highlighted here, have exploited the hunger, poverty, and illiteracy of the masses to mobilize voters with food items such as rice, beans, garri, yams, salt and seasonings, and money. The food items are usually packaged strategically with the image of political candidates and the parties they represent.

The political calculation here is that destitute people are more likely to vote for a politician who brings along gifts – ironically, bought by looted treasury funds belonging to the very same people that are condescended upon – than one who only provides concrete solutions to their everyday problems that might take time. The practice of using food to mobilize voters is commonly described in Nigeria as “Stomach infrastructure” politics. Nigerians must put an end to this practice.

Is Nigeria a failed State?

Let us return to Professor Robert I. Rotberg, the founding director of the Harvard Kennedy School’s Program on Intrastate Conflict and president emeritus of the World Peace Foundation, and John Campbell, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and a former U.S. ambassador to Nigeria.

According to these intellectuals and Africanists: “There are four kinds of nations: the strong, the weak, the failed, and the collapsed. Of the 193 members of the United Nations, 60 or 70 are strong. There are three places that should be considered collapsed: Somalia, South Sudan, and Yemen.

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Eighty or 90 U.N. members are weak. Weakness consists of providing many, but not all, of essential public goods, the most important of which are security and safety. If citizens are not secure from harm within national borders, governments cannot deliver good governance (the essential services that citizens expect) to their constituents.

A dozen or so states are failed, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, and Myanmar. Each lacks security, is unsafe, has weak rules of law, is corrupt, limits political participation and voice, discriminates within its borders against various classes and kinds of citizens, and provides educational and medical services sparingly.

Most of all, failed states are violent. All failed states harbor some form of violent internal strife, such as civil war or insurgency. Nigeria now confronts six or more internal insurrections and the inability of the Nigerian state to provide peace and stability to its people has tipped a hitherto very weak state into failure.”

What is to be done to pull Nigeria back from the precipice?

Following in the footsteps of Japan, Singapore along with South Korea in Asia have made the remarkable transition from poor, underdeveloped countries into the coveted ranks of the advanced nations of the first world – in our lifetime. How was this possible?

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The Heritage board reminds us that “the 1960s and 1970s was a period when Singapore was beset with many uncertainties as it sought an identity of its own. The country was facing massive unemployment and a declining entrepot trade at the time of independence, while grappling with a rapidly growing population.”

Into this murky milieu stepped Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. Often referred to by his initials LKY, Yew was a Singaporean statesman and lawyer who served as the first prime minister of Singapore from 1959 to 1990. It was during his tenure that the phenomenal transformation of Singapore took place. Now, I must state categorically that I am not calling for 30 year tenures for our politicians (before someone accuses me of doing so), but merely a focus on the quality of political leadership.

Engineer Zeeshan Jawaid, a marketing expert from Pakistan – a country with its own panoply of challenges – suggests that The Yew doctrine (remembered by the acronym MPH) has 3 simples components:

Meritocracy: “The first element of the MPH formula is meritocracy. This means that individuals are promoted based on their abilities and achievements, rather than their social background or connections. In Singapore, this is reflected in the country’s education system, which is based on meritocracy and places a strong emphasis on academic performance.

Students are encouraged to excel and are given opportunities to highlight their abilities through various competitions and programs. This focus on meritocracy has helped Singapore to develop a highly skilled and talented workforce, which has been critical in the country’s economic success.”

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Pragmatism: “The second element of the MPH formula is pragmatism. This means that policies and decisions are made based on practical considerations, rather than religious, class, ethnic, tribal, creed, ideology, or political beliefs. In Singapore, this is reflected in the government’s approach to economic development. The government has been pragmatic in its policies, focusing on attracting foreign investment, building a skilled workforce, and developing key industries such as finance, logistics, and manufacturing. This pragmatic approach has enabled Singapore to develop a strong and diversified economy that is able to weather economic challenges.”

Honesty: “The third and final element of the MPH formula is honesty, which means zero tolerance for corruption. In Singapore, the government has taken a strong stance against corruption, with strict laws and severe punishments for corrupt practices. This has helped to create a culture of honesty and integrity in the country, which has been critical in building trust and confidence among investors and businesses.

The MPH formula has been a key driver of Singapore’s success, but it is not the only factor. The country’s leadership has also played a crucial role in its development journey. Under the leadership of Lee Kuan Yew and his successors, the government has been proactive in identifying challenges and opportunities and has implemented policies that have helped to propel Singapore forward. The government has also been responsive to the changing needs of its people and has invested heavily in areas such as healthcare, education, and social welfare.”

Nigeria Situation 

As we can see and understand, Nigeria’s situation is bad. The more the immorality and corruption of a nation, the more the nation sinks into chaos, insecurity, conflict, discord, division, disunity, depression, youth restiveness, confusion, violence, and underdevelopment. That’s the situation mostly in Nigeria in the reign of Baba-go-slow and Emilokan. The failing state status of Nigeria is confirmed and glaringly indicated and manifested for every honest person to see through the consequences of the level of our pervasive corruption, mediocrity, immorality, misconduct, mismanagement, perversion, injustice, incompetence and all other forms of iniquity. But yes, there is hope.

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Conclusion: 

I conclude this address by once again quoting our Professor Chinua Achebe, this time from his New York Times Opinion piece on Nigeria, January 15, 2011. For the young people gathered here today, please note that this late, African bard, Icon, and crusader for social justice, kept engaging with the “troubles with Nigeria, nay Africa” till the very end of his life. He never gave in until he gave up. He fought to the end. We expect you to embrace him as your role model, and emerge as the next generation to tackle Africa’s myriad problems in the same manner and with the same zeal, dedication and commitment:

“In the end [Achebe states], I foresee that the Nigerian solution will come in stages. First we have to nurture and strengthen our democratic institutions – and strive for the freest and fairest elections possible. That will place the true candidates of the people in office. Within the fabric of a democracy, a free press can thrive and a strong justice system can flourish. The checks and balances we have spoken about and the laws needed to curb corruption will then naturally find a footing. And there has to be the development of a new patriotic consciousness, not one simply based on the well-worn notions of the “Unity of Nigeria” or “Faith in Nigeria” often touted by our corrupt leaders; but one based on an awareness of the responsibility of leaders to the led, and disseminated by civil society, schools, and intellectuals. It is from this kind of environment that a leader, humbled by the trust placed upon him by the people, will emerge, willing to use the power given to him or her for the good of the people.”

There lies my hope and there is my optimism for Nigeria and for Africa.

Thank you!

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Chris Anyanwu’s bold leap

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By Ikechukwu Amaechi
On December 2, 2024, Nigerians will converge at the main auditorium of the National Universities Commission for the public presentation of Senator Chris Anyanwu’s autobiography, Bold Leap.
To be sure, this is her third book. She wrote the first, The Law Makers, Federal Republic of Nigeria, while she was NTA correspondent at the National Assembly in the Second Republic. The second, The Days of Terror, came after her release from General Sani Abacha’s gulag in 1998.
But Bold Leap is significantly different and, no doubt, will stir up the hornets’ nest for the very reason that she pulled no punches in the 612-page tome.
An autobiography can be tricky because of the tendency of the author to remember only what is convenient, which most times creates the faux pas of presenting opinions as facts. But Bold Leap is refreshingly different because the author remembered everything, and left out no details no matter how inconvenient. That makes the book truly “an inspirational story of a woman of exceptional talent and indomitable spirit.”
Born on October 28, 1951, nine years before Nigeria’s independence, the frightening life trajectory of C-Gal, as she was fondly called, encapsulates Nigeria’s story. Like many other Igbo children her age, the years of innocence and comfort of her upper middle class family were brusquely shattered in the late 1960s when Nigeria decelerated to the Hobbesian state of nature, and life suddenly became “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”
Her father, Hon. Nicholas Diala Ukah, popularly called N.D. Ukah, who started off as a primary school teacher after passing the First School Leaving Certificate Examination with distinction quickly climbed the academic ladder, culminating in a University of London degree in British Economic History.
In the late 1940s, he joined the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroons (NCNC), and just as he did in academia, he also rose rapidly in politics – first Council Chairman for Mbaise District Council and in 1959, he won election to represent Owerri North-East Federal constituency in the House of Representatives.
Then the fratricidal war broke and her blissful world vanished. She was already at the reputable Owerri Girls Secondary School, comely and elegant, with the world at her feet, when the mayhem ensued.
Even when the guns were silenced, nothing was ever the same again. She and her younger sisters lived in the bush for nearly a month to escape Nigerian soldiers who were going from door to door in search of girls to take away as war booty.
When eventually school resumed, the world as the hitherto tarry-eyed girls knew it had changed. “Draw the line. The civil war brought an end to life as it used to be. It was the end of innocence in my generation and the beginning of the harsh realities that began as overt and covert retribution for the secession of Biafra, retributions and realities which have persisted decades after the war till today,” she wrote.
But little did she realize that the worst was yet to come – the ultimate tragedy. Her father was arrested and taken to a detention camp in Port Harcourt where he was starved and brutalised for three months by the Nigerian Army for no reason other than that he was a member of the Federal House of Representatives.
“The ill-treatment at the camp obviously took a heavy toll on his health. He was looking very thin, unwell and quiet… During the detention, he developed kidney problem,” Chris wrote.
She recalled going to see him on his death bed at the Emekuku Hospital and still remembers his plea. “With tubes in his nose and mouth, all he could tell me was to go home and take care of my siblings. I have obeyed that injunction ever since.”
She had no choice. Her father was only 51 years when he died in August 1971, leaving behind 13 children, the eldest was Chris who was only 20 years and a widow, a fulltime housewife without any source of income.
“My dad’s death automatically turned me into head of the family working hand in hand with my mom,” she further stated.
Chris Anyanwu said she was told by “a former Inspector General of Police that the camp where they kept and starved my father and other leaders arrested at the end of the war was managed by Chief A.K. Horsfall, a Rivers State man who later became head of the National Intelligence Service.”
After supervising the liquidation of her innocent father, the same forces seized his properties in Port Harcourt and not even the pitiable condition of their late friend’s widow could convince them to let go even when she came begging.
Chris Anyanwu writes about these gross injustices without bitterness. And the perspicacious former President Olusegun Obasanjo, her mate at Jos Prisons, applauds: “Chris was able to render otherwise tear-inducing details in a manner that removed the sting from the bitter experience to allow the reader enjoy accounts of unfair experiences without the revulsion that such stories ordinarily should have elicited.”
But, come to think of it, why should she be bitter when, despite all odds, she is a real “walking miracle” whose life has been so blessed and full of richness?
Bold Leap is a breath-taking chronicle of her enthralling life experiences. Obasanjo said if he was to propose an alternative title for the book, he would have called it “Triumph of Courage.” This is an incredible story of a woman with a never-say-die spirit.
Hers is a charmed life. She became an idol at the NTA where she was National Assembly, Diplomatic and OPEC correspondent. About eight years into her phenomenal career, she went to her home state of Imo to serve as Commissioner for Information. She later became the publisher and Editor-in-Chief of The Sunday Magazine (TSM), a weekly newsmagazine. Today, she owns a chain of radio stations – Hot FM.
Not even the three-year incarceration on the trumped-up charge of “accessory after the fact of treason” at Kirikiri, Jos, Gombe and Kaduna Prisons could break her spirit. Before Abacha suddenly dropped dead on June 8, 1998, the government had castrated her economically but there is no killing the beetle. Like the phoenix, she rose from the ashes of despair.
Bold Leap is the life story of a phenomenal go-getter, who plunged headlong into the murky waters of Nigerian politics and came out triumphant, serving two terms as a senator. In the Senate she scored a treble firsts – first senator to be elected on the platform of a small regional party (APGA), first female elected to the Senate from Imo State and first senator from the State to be re-elected. In her first term she served as vice chairman of the Senate Committee for Defence and Army and in her second term she was the chairman, Committee on Navy.
The account of her political odyssey in Imo State will generate enough heat in the coming days, no doubt. But the book is a treasure-trove on Nigerian politics.
“Everything is bought. You buy votes to be nominated. You buy votes to be elected to office. And then you must pay to defend yourself from frivolous court cases and bad judgments. It is an all-round corrupting, wearying and spirit-crushing experience,” she explains.
Bold Leap is the story of the grit of a young woman who rather than allowing the tragedy of her father’s untimely death derail her, soldiered on, first by acquiring solid education from choice U.S. universities and coming back home to build a fairytale career in journalism.
The book chronicles major socio-economic and political developments in the country in the last four decades and the major players. Chris Anyanwu had a relationship with most, if not all of them, which makes her one of the most consequential Nigerian journalists, ever.
But the book is not only about Chris Anyanwu and her incredible exploits in journalism and politics. It is also about Nigeria. She hinted that in a short note she sent to me: “Appendix 1 – 2, etc. is a goldmine. I would like you to go through and possibly ask: what is it about? Why?”
The two appendixes dealt with the lingering National Question. On February 22, 1994, Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Odumegwu, Ikemba Nnewi, delivered the second TSM Diamond Lecture – “Nigeria: The truths which are self-evident.”
Ever charismatic, Ojukwu brought down the roof down, literally. In the March 6, 1994 edition of TSM, Chris Anyanwu wrote: “As he spoke, many cried. Young people, old people, they all had tears in their eyes. I see this picture of Chuba Okadigbo raising his horse whip in the air, his face overtaken by excitement and in the foreground a vastness of people hanging both hands in the air.”
What did Ojukwu say? “Nigeria is sick. It is our duty, each and everyone one of us, to help cure it.”
According to the Ikemba Nnewi, the country was sick because “the sovereign people of Nigeria have never succeeded in designing for themselves their own society.” The implication he further elucidated was that, “Nigeria cannot be a nation unless its fundamental law is articulated and is accepted by Nigerians for universal application.”
It is pertinent to quote Ojukwu’s speech in some detail: “For those who enjoy the executive control of Nigeria, for those who enjoy almost exclusively the resources of this country, the term “One Nigeria” is like music to their ears. They love it, they want it to remain forever and if it is necessary to maintain One Nigeria by force, they would do so. If it became necessary to hold their partners in the Nigerian enterprise hostage, indeed captive in the corporation, all the better. For fear of being misunderstood or misrepresented, let me repeat. One Nigeria is a good idea but my objection lies in the idea that One Nigeria cannot and must not be questioned.”
Thirty years thence, Nigeria is still at the crossroads. By including Ojukwu’s speech in the Bold Leap, Senator Chris Anyanwu is simply pointing Nigerians to where the rain started beating them, a proof of her continuing service to fatherland. It is one book that Nigerians who seek knowledge must read!

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