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To Ngozi Chimamanda Adichie: Wipe your tears, help, lies not with Biden or US…but
By Sunny Igboanugo
Reading through the letter of my dear sister, Ngozi Chimamanda Adichie to Joe Biden, the only plausible conclusion that I could make of it, is the popular adage of the mother hen, when the kite takes its chick away. It says the hysteria in flapping its wings, running around and shouting at the top of its voice, is for the world to hear its voice and not for the assailant to have pity and drop the baby or the hope for help.
Of course, our Joe, or Sleepy Joe, as Donald Trump would call him, would definitely read the letter. It would be part of the “briefings” his appointees on African Affairs, who have their eyes permanently glued on Nigeria, would file. But you can be sure that the issue of interest to him, would be completely different from the details Ngozi laboured to present. No, that would be a waste of time. You would be surprised that apart from enjoying the elegant prose and beauty of her language power, they would focus on the nuances rather than the substance of the issues she raised. It would not be about changing their mind in anyway, but to update her personal dossier. If not before, she has become a person of interest henceforth. She would be further trailed and profiled to determine how her actions and inaction would affect the US interest going forward. That’s the best her letter could attract.
I would be surprised if Ngozi, my sister does not understand that the people she wrote that letter to are not far ahead of her in piecing together what happened in the 2023 Nigerian general elections at whatever level. Every detail of that exercise, had already gathered, studied, analysed and filed to Washington, well in time before Nigerians woke up to the reality. In other words there is nothing they didn’t know or still don’t know.
So, outside shouting so that the world will hear her voice, there is nothing that letter will achieve. Absolutely nothing! America, just like their counterparts across the world, are fully on ground. You cannot even take it past them that they are not neck-deep or hand-deep into the construct that birthed that exercise, described aptly as the worst election in the history of Nigeria.
I’d rather charge my sister, Ngozi with the hysteric shouting of the mother hen, than accuse her of being naive, because, apart from being one of the richest minds that has come out of ala Igbo, Nigeria, Africa, and the world, she, as a citizen, stays close to them and could easily perceive the stench of their breath more than me.
Now, why does anyone believe that the US would want to help Nigeria, or indeed, Africa, secure a thriving democracy in which the votes would count and leaders would emerge freely out of people’s will? What would be the endgame of such a conduct? Wouldn’t that be suicidal and a complete betrayal of the legacy their forebears handed down to them?
Do you know what would happen the day, Africans began to elect their own leaders through credible process? Let’s start with Nigeria. It would mean the reduction of bad behaviour in governance if not complete eradication of same. It would mean that politicians would have something to fear from the polity. It would mean that portfolio-bearing foreigners would no longer come into the country, spread few dollars to the gatekeepers and have access to the top ogas in power, who would equip them with the power of ingress, to enable them insert hoses into the ground and begin to siphon the riches of the land.
It would mean that a whole shipload of oil, would no longer disappear from the creeks of the Niger Delta. It would mean that oil companies would no longer create multiple pipelines to tube the oil away leaving Nigeria with only a fraction of what they actually produced.
Yes! It would mean the disappearance of the Abachas of Nigeria and his mates all over Africa, who ferry catches of dollar-filled bags to America to deck their banks, would no longer have the chance of getting close to the public till because a vigilant and effective electorate will check them.
I could imagine the faces at the White House as they study that letter, as they zero in on her persona. How dangerous would she be to the US interest? Could this be another troublesome, irritant African? Who could best handle this? In fact, the next American you see in the local Abba market in Dunukofia Local Government Area of Anambra State, might not be a tourist coming to see how local marriages are conducted. He might as well be there to pick the minutest information on the Adichie family that would further help to profile their daughter.
How would anybody seized of good knowledge in global affairs and international politics particularly the relationship between the West and Africa believe that countries like the US would favour stability of a nation like Nigeria, the most influential and most important African nation. The day that happens would signal the end of the slumbering of the sleeping giant. Africa would wake up. How could the lion be gazing at an antelope with good intention? That is the question. The West would always want Africa for dinner.
Indeed, I pitied Peter Obi, Labour Party (LP) presidential candidate, when he was telling his compatriots, to the hearing of these people, how he was going to transform Nigeria from consumption to production.
Of course they knew he was not bluffing. He governed Anambra, arguably the most difficult state in Nigeria not only without borrowing a kobo throughout eight years but with such success. If anything, his leaving behind a princely N75billion without stealing it, must also have helped to give him out as not a typical African in power. Because a non-thieving African, is a danger to the Western interest, it won’t be difficult for them to figure out what to do. He must have given them the jitters with those utterances issuing from his mouth.
Obi would be naive not to know what he was standing up against. But how else could he sprung it. How could he have connected with Nigerians particularly the youthful population, for whom he represented their future. Indeed, for as long as he toed the line ditching the old way, it was like shooting himself in the leg. Surely, he couldn’t have thought that those stealing Nigerian oil would go to sleep, hearing him say that the stealing would stop from the first day he takes office as President.
He couldn’t have thought that giving hope to the millions of youths in the North, who form the bulk of Boko Haram, Islamic State of West African Province (ISWAP), and the bandits who go on rampage, kidnapping, killing and maiming people, to engage in productive ventures would be good music or earn him loving kisses from vested interests. What then happens to the syndicate they represent?
Didn’t he realise for instance that mouthing his popular mantra of transforming the vast areas of land in the North into serious production hubs for agricultural goods, would mean that the bandits in Niger and Borno, including Sambisa Forest would be forced to disappear?
Besides, apart from making Nigeria self-sufficient in food and therefore no longer a dumping ground of such items, many of them Genetically Modified, in the first place, what happens to bullet and guns the terrorists in those forests carry and their sources? That angle is also important.
It doesn’t have to take the wisest man on the earth to realise what the end-game would be. In fact, the moment there is no longer strife in Africa and the Middle East, where brothers continue to kill one another under the supervision of the suppliers of those guns and bullet, the result would be obvious. Nobody will buy the weapons anymore and that source of income will dry up. So, what happens to the factories that produce them? Are their owners going to eat the guns and bullets?
The moment you transform Sambisa from an axis of terror and a habitat for gunmen, mostly youths fed on drugs and other intoxicating substances, to a hub for the production of fattened cows that would produce fresh meat and rich milk, equivalent to what comes out of Holland or Australia or produce rice in such quantity that you no longer have to look towards China or Thailand, you not only make food available locally, but you also export to earn foreign exchange, which would set off a string of positive chain effects, and ultimately lead to the ultimate end of becoming a world power.
Would they watch you create that transformation? Who wants Nigeria as a world power. Who wants an African country as world power? That’s not even where it ends. The fact that the lion is a violent predator, which devours its prey with mindless brutality, doesn’t mean it has no right to food? Don’t those behind the syndicate stealing Nigerian oil deserve right to opulence and luxury – to own the latest yachts from the proceed their crime and cruise around the world? What does it mean even if millions die as sacrifice? Aren’t they even being benevolent by just mere stealing? Didn’t their fathers do worse by ship-loading your fathers to work in their sugarcane fields?
Now, who didn’t know that Bola Ahmed Tinubu, presented himself as the worst of the three major candidates in the 2023 election? He was the one without a clear identity, who just happened on the scene, without details of birth, parentage and education – all buried in mystery. He was the one who uttered incoherent and unrecognisable mumble-jumble at rallies, was the one who would raise his walking stick, while the National Anthem was being sung, the one to be supported by aides at the back, to prevent him from falling, who dodged debates and avoided interviews – he was the one who, against the run of play, chose to present a Muslim-Muslim ticket and above all, the one tainted with stories of dealing in drugs – one of the highest crimes in the world. Yet he “won.”
If you are still at sea as to the reason for this miraculous triumph over the others, it means you’re a learner. It means that you believe that those who killed Patris Lumumba and replaced him with Mobut Sese Seko have suddenly disappeared or changed from whom they are. It means that you believe that Congo DR, the richest country in the world in terms of mineral resources has remained a killing field till date because their people love the sight of blood.
It means you believe that Muammar Gaddafi, who made every Libyan practically walk on pure gold, was killed by his compatriots, because “he was killing his people,” as Hilary Clinton, Barack Obama and his NATO forces who, with glee, bombed down some of the world’s most renowned histories and forced the once thriving and robust enclave into a shadow of itself with fiefdoms of fighting warlords on hand to finish the job, told you. Then, your name is, Sorry.
So, my dear sister, Ngozi, hara wa, nne. Ebezina. Wipe your tears! We know how you feel. But we also know that where you’re looking for help, is where the predator is actually lurking behind the grass. The State Department, wouldn’t have issued the congratulatory message in the first place without the say-so of Biden. That he’s not given his personal endorsement yet, is all part of the game. Pretend that you care. But go for the kill.
Don’t also worry yourself about the UK. Julius Malema, the South African activist, put it clearly, recently. The Pounds is the strongest currency in the world today, because of the gold backing. England has the highest gold reserves in the world without a single goldmine. How come? That’s the catch! Figure it out. If you thought the worst has again happened, think again. Haven’t we seen and conquered worse?
We know Tinubu didn’t win the election. So, you’re not alone. So, fichaa anya, nne. There is still one place to run for shelter – A Just God! You never know what He’s thinking. For His ways are not our ways. Don’t forget, He’s still the author and finisher. Ya diba!
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The Insecurity Triad: Azikiwe, Awolowo, and Chinweizu — Nigeria’s Elite Class of Framework Builders
By Max Amuchie
Last Sunday, I indicated that this week’s edition of The Sunday Stew would pay tribute to the late political economist and public intellectual, Claude Ake. That tribute remains, but its timing has shifted. Later this year will mark the 30th anniversary of his passing — a more fitting moment to revisit the life and legacy of one of Africa’s most consequential intellectual minds. Until then, this column turns to a related but less discussed tradition in Nigerian thought: the rare lineage of framework builders who operated outside the academy yet reshaped how society understood itself.
Nigeria’s intellectual landscape faces a persistent challenge: not the total absence of indigenous frameworks, but their relative scarcity and limited institutional consolidation. Much of our analytical vocabulary still arrives pre-assembled from elsewhere — adapted to Nigerian conditions rather than born from them. We reach habitually for tools forged in other fires, calibrated for other crises, and carrying the residue of other civilisational assumptions. The consequence is not merely intellectual dependency. It is explanatory incompleteness. Borrowed frameworks, however sophisticated, can illuminate local realities, but they do not always capture the structures beneath them.
Yet Nigeria has never been entirely without its own framework builders. What it has lacked is not indigenous conceptual production itself, but its sustained institutionalisation. Alongside the academy, it has historically produced another tradition — rarer, more independent, and deeply sovereign in character.
It is a tradition built largely beyond university faculties and disciplinary boundaries. Its practitioners did not merely interpret events; they created new conceptual vocabularies. They refused inherited explanatory tools when those tools proved insufficient, choosing instead to engineer indigenous frameworks for immediate national and civilisational questions. Their objective was not institutional approval but conceptual sovereignty.
This is the elite class of Nigeria’s framework builders. And it is within this largely extra-academic lineage — one operating beyond the formal boundaries of university production and disciplinary gatekeeping — that figures such as Azikiwe, Awolowo, and Chinweizu emerge — not merely as statesmen or writers, but as framework builders. Each refused the role of interpreter. Each chose, instead, the more demanding vocation of architect.
Nnamdi Azikiwe: The Newsroom as Primary Laboratory
To understand what Azikiwe accomplished, one must resist the temptation to reduce him to his political biography — to the president, the governor-general, the nationalist icon. These are accurate descriptions, but they obscure the more foundational achievement. Before Azikiwe was any of those things, he was a theorist of communications power.
His intellectual contribution extended beyond communications infrastructure into explicit framework construction. Through Zikism in Africa and works such as Renascent Africa and Liberia in World Politics, he advanced a political philosophy centred on spiritual balance, social regeneration, mental emancipation, economic reconstruction, and political resurgence. Zikism was not merely nationalist rhetoric. It was an indigenous ideological framework — an attempt to articulate a distinctly African vocabulary for liberation, modernity, and civilisational renewal.
Azikiwe understood, with unusual clarity for his era, that newspapers were not passive instruments of reportage. They were engines of consciousness formation. Through The West African Pilot, launched in 1937, he built a mass communications infrastructure designed not merely to inform but to manufacture national awareness where none yet existed in consolidated form. The newsroom became a laboratory of political imagination.
The West African Pilot therefore functioned not only as a newspaper but as the transmission mechanism for Zikism itself — a vehicle through which ideas moved from theory into public consciousness.
This was framework building in the most consequential sense: the creation of a conceptual technology — the politically purposive newsroom — that could transform the relationship between a population and its own self-understanding.
Azikiwe drew from global traditions of activist journalism but adapted them into a distinctly West African instrument of nationalist mobilisation.
The lesson for the contemporary era is unmistakable, and uncomfortable. The modern digital newsroom has, in large measure, abandoned this mandate. Optimised for traffic, calibrated for virality, and disciplined by the imperatives of advertising revenue, it has become a largely reactive institution — faster than its predecessors, but shallower in purpose. Azikiwe‘s example issues a rebuke and a challenge in equal measure: the newsroom cannot survive, in any meaningful civilisational sense, as a purely commercial machine. It must recover its older mandate as a theory laboratory — a place where original socio-political frameworks are serialised, tested, refined, and introduced into the public square. The medium has changed. The obligation has not.
Obafemi Awolowo: The Geometry of State Architecture
Where Azikiwe worked through the newsroom, Awolowo worked through the monograph. And where Azikiwe’s primary instrument was consciousness, Awolowo’s was structure.
Awolowo approached the Nigerian state with something that can only be described as geometric discipline. He did not merely criticise colonial administration or lament political dysfunction. He subjected the Nigerian project to systematic, structural examination. Through works such as Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947) and Thoughts on Nigerian Constitution (1966), he mapped constitutional arrangements, regional balances, socio-economic organisation, and the friction points embedded within the federation with a precision that distinguished him from his contemporaries. He treated governance as architecture — as a designed system with load-bearing elements, stress points, and the capacity to collapse if its internal logic was violated.
This temperament is what separates framework builders from analysts. The analyst produces interpretation. The framework builder produces a map of the system generating the events that require interpretation. Awolowo was interested not in the headline but in the structure producing the headline — and he was willing to do the painstaking intellectual labour of rendering that structure visible and legible.
The diagnosis of state fragility demands this same architectural temperament today. Nigeria’s security crisis is narrated, almost universally, at the level of events: the attack, the abduction, the reprisal, the press release, the lament.
But events are symptoms. Framework builders map systems. They move beneath the surface of occurrence to identify the structural arrangements generating those occurrences — the incentive structures, the sovereignty vacuums, the institutional failures that are not aberrations but outputs of a deeper logic.
His engagement with federal design, regional autonomy, and constitutional engineering reflected an understanding of governance not as administration alone, but as institutional geometry.
Awolowo‘s method remains not only valid but urgently necessary.
Chinweizu Ibekwe: The Mandate of the Intellectual Border Guard
If Azikiwe built the communications laboratory and Awolowo built the architectural method, Chinweizu performed a different but equally indispensable function. He stood watch.
Chinweizu‘s role was expressed not only through critique but through conceptual production. Among his notable interventions was Culturecide — his framework describing the systematic erosion, displacement, and destruction of indigenous cultural systems through external domination and internalised dependency. It was an attempt to name a process that conventional political language often failed to capture: the destruction of a people’s civilisational software while the institutional hardware of the state remained formally intact.
Through works such as The West and the Rest of Us (1975) and Decolonising the African Mind (1987), Chinweizu issued one of the sharpest warnings in Nigerian — and indeed African — intellectual history: the danger of mental capture. He challenged imported analytical vocabularies with a directness that was, by design, confrontational. He questioned the dependence on external civilisational lenses for interpreting African realities. He argued, with sustained rigour and deliberate provocation, that a society which cannot explain itself to itself in its own conceptual terms is a society that remains, whatever its formal independence, intellectually colonised.
His role was that of an intellectual border guard. Not merely a critic — a guardian of the threshold between conceptual sovereignty and conceptual dependency.
The challenge Chinweizu issued has not expired. It has, if anything, intensified. For every contemporary Nigerian thinker, his questions remain active and uncomfortable: Where are your own tools? What indigenous vocabulary explains your society? What framework have you built rather than borrowed? What analytical structure emerges from your own reading of your own conditions — rather than from the application of a foreign theoretical template to a local dataset?
These are not rhetorical questions. They are the standard by which any serious tradition of framework building must measure itself.
The Lineage and Its Continuation
Azikiwe built both the communications laboratory and the ideological architecture of Zikism. Awolowo built the architectural method of state design. Chinweizu defended conceptual sovereignty while naming the dangers of civilisational erosion through frameworks such as Culturecide.
Together, they constitute a tradition — dispersed across time, never formalised as a school, but coherent in its underlying conviction: that the most consequential intellectual work is the construction of original frameworks capable of explaining a society to itself.
The Insecurity Triad is offered in continuity with that tradition. It is an attempt, specific to this moment and these conditions, to construct an indigenous diagnostic framework for Nigeria’s security crisis and its relationship to state decay — one that does not merely apply existing theory but builds the conceptual architecture from the ground up, from the evidence of Nigerian and Sahelian experience, on its own terms.
The tradition is older than any single framework. What matters is that it continues — that each generation of Nigerian thinkers refuses the false comfort of borrowed explanation and accepts, instead, the more demanding obligation of original construction.
Nations are sustained not only by institutions, but by the concepts through which they understand themselves.
That obligation is not academic. It is civilisational.
A Note on This Moment
This is the twelfth edition of The Sunday Stew.
Three months ago, this column launched with a single ambition: to occupy a different intellectual space — one between journalism and scholarship, between immediate events and deeper structures, where Nigeria’s crises could be examined not only through reportage or theory, but through original reflection and framework construction. What has emerged from that ambition has exceeded the original brief.
In twelve editions, this column has produced two original analytical frameworks. The Insecurity Triad — theorising the mechanism by which armed networks sustain themselves relative to state authority through the convergence of a ransom economy, land contestation, and ideological capture — has been presented and deposited across six scholarly repositories, and has received scholarly engagement.
It has increasingly moved beyond commentary toward contribution within debates on the Nigerian state.
The Trinity of State Decay, developed as its companion diagnostic, theorises the structural condition that the Triad sustains: a decoupling into rival sovereignties, in which the state performs authority it no longer possesses while shadow orders exercise authority the state has vacated.
These are not borrowed frameworks dressed in local language. They were built here, in this column, for this crisis.
That is what this lineage — from Azikiwe to Awolowo to Chinweizu — ultimately demands: not admiration, but continuation. The Sunday Stew is, in its modest but deliberate way, an attempt to honour that demand.
Twelve editions. Two frameworks. The work continues.
Trust is Sacred. Stay Seasoned.
Dr. Max Amuchie is the CEO of Sundiata Post and architect of The Insecurity Triad and Trinity of State Decay. He writes The Sunday Stew, a weekly syndicated column on faith, character, and the forces that shape society, with a focus on Nigeria and Africa in a global context.
X — @MaxAmuchie | Email: max.a@sundiatapost.com | Tel: +234(0)8053069436
I will always refer to the encounter I once had with Kenneth Idiodi. He was then the leader of the Rosicrucian Society in Nigeria, otherwise known as Amok. It was a sit-down at Zodiac Hotel Enugu. Then, I was the reporter of The Guardian in the Coal City.
You know the Amok faith bases its philosophy or belief on the law of Retributive Justice – the law of Karma. That is to say, everything you do in life has its rewards or punishment in equal measure – much like the measure you give, the measure you receive.
I don’t know how much this society draws or links this belief from or with the Bible, but I do recall Jesus Christ warning Simon Peter – return your sword to the scabbard – for he who kills by the sword, dies by the sword.
As a child growing up I listened to one of the epics of Oriental Brothers with the lyrics – ogbu mma ga-esi n’mma na, ogba egbe ga-esi n’egbe na ooo! Translated – he who kills by the sword will die by the sword, he who kills by the gun will die by the nozzle of the gun.
Now, here is where this is relevant in present Nigerian reality – the reason I’m putting details of that encounter out publicly once again, having done so previously.
During that encounter, Idiodi used one event in Nigeria to illustrate his point. He told me of a Nigerian leader who commanded the troop that carried out the Asaba massacre in the heat of the Nigerian civil war – an episode, said to have claimed over 2,000 able-bodied men who had come out to welcome the Nigerian soldiers with songs and dances only to fall in the hail of bullets that descended on them like rainstorms – was not spared by fate.
That commander was to meet his own death in a hail of bullets even as a Head of State. He never mentioned the name of the military top brass. But I used my tongue to count my teeth to come to the answer. You could also do same – use your tongue.
Now, how does this relate? You may have followed the outing of General Yakubu Gowon at the Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Conference Centre, Abuja, where he presented his autobiography titled: My Life of Duty and Allegiance, that contained what seemed his memoir on the Nigerian civil war, which he prosecuted as Head of State.
I’m sure you must have been observing the debate therefrom that event. Now, I’m not so much enamoured of the debate as I’m of the nuances surrounding that unfortunate episode and the role of Gowon in it, given my takeaway from that Idiodi encounter some two decades ago.
Does Gowon, now a nonagenarian really believe that presenting a pious, if not saintly account of himself to the world as snippets of his book, which I picked up here and there suggests, truly suffices for the atrocities of that period?
Take the Asaba massacre for example. Was that the handiwork of Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Biafran leader, whom the former Head of State seems to blame for everything that went wrong. Was he also the one that commanded that mass slaughtering of innocent men?
Under your nose as Head of State, you watched citizens slaughtered mercilessly like infested herds in the streets – you watched young girls corralled into leprosy colonies and wantonly raped before being wasted – you watched as train coaches bearing people fleeing the scene were stopped and their human cargoes thrown alive into River Benue like rotten goods for fishes to feast on – you watched all these and didn’t lift a finger.
Then as Head of State, you not only supervised but watched millions of children with distended stomachs, tiny feet, glazy eyes, heavy heads on ropelike necks, practically begging for death to come quickly and save them from further punishment.
You supervised and watched the cataclysmic eruptions from the blitzkrieg on churches, markets and hospitals – all to keep Nigeria together. In your mind the brutal and merciless butchery of innocent people who were not soldiers and had nothing to do with the war could be explained away just like that?
O! It was Ojukwu that caused it. Ojukwu was the one who released the bombs, caused the blockades that led to the kwashiorkor that killed millions or other atrocities thereof? What a pity!
Now, I return to Idiodi. How else could anyone interpret today’s Nigeria without introducing the law of retributive justice that the Amok leader spoke of? How do you fault the link of the commander who massacred over 2,000 souls dying by the barrel of the same gun, even as Head of State?
How could anyone fail to relate what is happening to our Gowon today with the past? This is a Geneal that wakes up to see hundreds of his brothers and sisters being buried in mass graves as was done during the onslaught he supervised against another people and he still thinks it has nothing to do with him?
Now, the story you told at that event in Abuja on Tuesday, is not new. You simply repeated yourself. My interpretation of that event is that you’re a man undergoing daily torture. You wouldn’t be a human being otherwise, given what is before you, which didn’t start today.
You’re probably trying to escape your fate by appealing to public sympathy. How helpful could that be in the face of the clear evidence of your culpability in the deliberate wasting of more than three million souls? Nobody would believe you.
Yes! They could humour you. But that’s the best anyone could do for you. I hear money rained like a fountain and that you left the scene with billions of naira in your kitty. At 90? Haba General!
Now, here is the thing General. None of these would help.
None would work. You have tried prayers. But you forget that the prayer of sinner is an abomination and a reproach before God, unless he repents. You have also written the book. Surely, this too would end up in the trashcan of history – meaningless piece of conjectures, propaganda, half-truths and outright lies – perhaps!
But, why don’t you try the one thing you have been running away from, for more than five decades – go on your knees in total supplication and surrender, repentance and penance – then rise, call all Nigerians and empty yourself with the truth.
Thereafter openly apologise to the millions of souls whose tormenting wailing you probably hear every day during your disturbed sleep and in your quiet moments, but choose to suppress with these baby tales. Ask them for forgiveness, genuinely and see. There may lie the answer you seek.
Try that and see if it wouldn’t be a more efficacious cure for this decades-old wound than this Ojukwu-bashing and those wasted prayer sessions. You might not only have atoned for the past, but saved the future. May God guide you.
My name is Sunny Igboanugo, I’m The Tiny Voice
“Now that the court has ruled against it, we are sure that, in the coming days, we will witness a mass exodus from the ruling party,” were the words with which the African Democratic Congress (ADC) welcomed Wednesday’s ruling of the Federal High Court, Abuja reversing the deadline for party primaries, among others.
Bolaji Abdullahi, spokesman, who conveyed the party’s excitement over the development, said it viewed the ruling as vindication of its objections to key aspects of the electoral body’s guidelines at the time they were issued.
Recalling its specific objections to the strict timelines on membership registration as well as the conduct of party primaries, the statement, said: “The decision of the court on these issues, including those that directly contradict the constitution, is therefore a welcome vindication of our position.”
Stressing that the ruling, which removed the impediment placed by the guidelines on politicians who wished to seek alternative platforms to contest elections, was a positive development that would promote freedom of association, the statement, added: “We believed at the time that that particular restriction was designed to prevent people from leaving the ruling party, APC.”
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