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Channels TV’s NBC N5million: Intimidation, not regulation
When George Bush decided to take down Saddam Hussein, he packaged what could have been a personal dispute, perhaps in the oil business – since the both were in the same line – as a national issue. He told the world how then Iraqi President, was a global threat to peace and stability.
Of course, only a little scratch on the surface could have revealed the lies behind this line of story.
But many chose to ignore that simple action that would have raised the relevant questions which could, if asked, led to the abatement of the ill-fated onslaught not only Iraq, one of the most thriving countries of the world at that time, but humanity as a whole.
How could any question be asked when the established media took on the project and began to, in a projct, decked on massive propaganda of the German World War era, trumpet every imaginable scar-mongering, scenario that favoured the thinking of the White House in Washington.
Yet, it was that pregnant woman wheeled into the theatre by Bush and his acolytes at The Pentagon, that eventually delivered the hydra-headed monster that ran riot across the world and continues to do so, even till date. Bush did not only remove, Saddam, he killed him. But was that the end of the story?
Just like a man who strikes a machete on a hard rock should expect some to the specs to fly into his eyes, America has remained a major beneficiary, as it it is a victim of that campaign some two decades ago.
Some have said that evil campaign meant on the surface as an attempt to keep the world safe, was a plot for the US to sell weapons, as well as dip its hose into the rich Iraqi wealth, especially oil. But, if true at what cost? For instance, what was the human toll in the end? Millions on and still counting. How much did the US spend to contain the ISIS and how much was spent in the aftermath of the 9-11 including the huntdown of Ossam Bin Ladin and his Al Qaeda. Thse were all linked to the killing of Saddam and distabilisation of Iraq.
It was the same story when Barak Obama and his NATO allies, wanted to kill Muammer Gaddafi of Libya. They employed the same raw power and propaganda to do so. It was the tale of how the late Libyan strong man was “killing his people.” Images of massacres in Benghazi were released to a stunned world to back up the plot, of course with the imprimatur of the same established media.
After the onslaught and the death of Gaddafi, what has been the result? Many countries across Africa has been bearing the brunt of the proliferation of small arms and light weapons including Nigeria, where groups like Boko Haram and Fulani bandits have been on rampage for years.
When Ibrahim Babangida, as Military President was confronted by heavy resistance from Nigerians for annulling the June 12, 1993 presidential election won by the late Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, he came out with the infamous statement – we’re not only in government, we’re in power, a clear threat to browbeat the agitators and have his way.
So the current din in Nigeria at the moment should not surprise anybody. In fact, few countries of the world have shown the propensity for the use of raw power as Nigeria, at least in Africa. In proving its authority, the institutions have always presented themselves as tools in the hands of government. From the first and second republics till date, public institutions have always come handy in the plots of government to whip the people into line.
While the electoral bodies became the purveyors of discredited elections, the courts were always there to validate them, while both the media and the police, provided the needed buffer in their own ways in this regard. It was in the second republic that Sunday Adewusi’s mobile policemen showed their massive skills in putting down resistance to the shenanigans of then ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN). Those were the days of landslide victories, on the popular Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), Nigerians were forced to listen to bogus and bare-faced lies about election results, but were helpless to counter or do anything about it.
Today, however, despite the proliferation of private television houses in the country, and the fact that the NTA and such other megaphones are no longer the sole source of information, the government has found the a way around controlling what the public must hear.
That task is now with the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission (NBC). In recent years, this has been clear from the manner the agency carries out its functions. Nobody has been left in doubt that the NBC has become a tool in the hands of the powers that be to protect the government and or its actions against public view.
Take the recent fine of N5million slammed against Channels Television by the agency. What offence could anyone have ascribed to the station or its anchor, Seun Okinbaloye. How was he to know what Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed was going to say. In fact, what the whole public saw was an attempt to caution and direct his guest to the proper conduct. Short of shutting down the programme, what would he have done.
Come to think about it, what really did the Vice Presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP), say that was out of place? The proper reading of the entire statement, was that it would be illegal for Bola Ahmed Tinubu to be sworn in as President, because he did not satisfy one of the key provisions of the law, mandating a candidate of a political party in an election to score 25 per cent of the votes in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), outside winning majority of lawful votes and winning 25 per cent votes in 24 of the 36 states in Nigeria?
Now the next day or so, the same station, on the same Politics Today programme, gave Festus Keyamo, spokesman of the Tinubu campaigns an equal airtime to counter Datti-Ahmed, where he spoke as forcefully as only he could, using even stronger words to emphasise why Tinubu should be sworn in.
But you would be falling into their deceptive trap to think that it is about what was said and not said, rather than an attempt to ensure that the government position is promoted over and above the public position on matters concerning the country. It is simply a function of not wanting to be held responsible for the embarrassment that has become the lot of the government over the 2023 elections.
It is a damage control mechanism to stifle popular opinions than any form of professional infractions. It is also a warning to other stations to be wary on whom to invite to their programmes. Because other stations may not have a grasp of what their guests would say, the safest bet is to leave out the opposition or at best, invite those with supine, insipid and watery views, who would rather call a spade an agricultural instrument.
Indeed, anybody who knows the workings of these agencies would be surprised that the NBC toed the line it did in this matter. The letter of Bayo Onanuga, to the body calling out Channels, was nothing less than an order for it to act. And what else is there for a body whose leadership are all appointees of the government, but to fall in line? The alternative is resignation. But whoever resigns in Nigeria?
Incidentally, the radio and television, which belong to the broadcast arm of journalism, does not enjoy the level of freedom the print media enjoys as a result of the historical evolution. Newspapers and magazines self-regulate and therefore not open to the vice grip of government interference given out as regulation. Outside libel, they have very little to fear from government outside, perhaps lack of patronage in terms of advertisements.
Besides, at the extreme, where there were deliberate clampdowns, especially during military regimes, such moves had always been met with stiff resistance as they had always fought back through many means, including the courts.
The outcome is that the government even in many times of great discomfiture and annoyance, remain circumspect in toeing the line of any official actions. Thus, confrontations are few and far in-between.
In the instant case, it is clear that the attempt on Channels TV smacks more of intimidation than regulation. What remains is if the organisation would allow itself to be so gagged or fight back. What it would of course determine the role the broadcast segment of the Nigerian media contributes in the larger picture of nation-building. Will it buckle or fight back? Whichever way, Nigeria’s future is at stake. So is its democracy.
Abubakar Rabe, retired Major General former spokesman of the Nigerian Army who was abducted by bandits in Katsina State exactly two weeks ago, has died in captivity, reports coming from the state, one of the hotbeds of terrorist activities in Nigeria, confirmed on Saturday.
The retired senior military officer was kidnapped alongside his wife around the Matazu area of Katsina State while traveling to attend a wedding ceremony, was said to have died of complications from diabetes and high blood pressure in the camp of his abductors.
Nasiru Mu’azu, Commissioner for Internal Security and Home Affairs, in the state, who confirmed the incident, in a statement, said the government received the news with heavy heart and deep sense of loss.
He wrote: “It is with profound sadness that we confirm the General’s death while in bandits captivity. Despite the relentless and concerted efforts of the State Government and various Security Agencies to secure his safe release, the situation ended in this tragedy.
“The deceased Retired General died a natural death from complications of diabetes and hypertension. His abduction and subsequent death are not only a loss to his family and Katsina State but a monumental loss to the entire country.
“His Excellency, the Executive Governor of Katsina State Malam Dikko Umaru Radda, PhD, CON, extends his deepest condolences to the family of the late General and the country at-large.
“The Governor has described this incident as a “dark moment” and a reminder of the urgent need for a collective and intensified front against the criminal elements threatening the peace of our communities.
“The Katsina State Government remains committed to working with the Federal Government and security forces to ensure that those responsible for this heinous act are brought to justice. We assure the citizens of Katsina State that our resolve to eliminate banditry and ensure the safety of all residents remains unshaken.
“Our thoughts and prayers are with the bereaved family during this difficult time. May the soul of the departed Retired Major General Rabe Abdulakdir rest in eternal peace.”
By Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr
When Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio assumed office as President of Nigeria’s 10th Senate in June 2023, expectations were understandably high. Nigeria was grappling with economic headwinds, persistent security challenges, and growing public demand for more responsive and effective democratic institutions. In such a climate, the National Assembly was expected not merely to make laws, but to provide leadership, strengthen oversight, and restore public confidence in governance.
Three years into his tenure, the Senate under Akpabio has increasingly sought to position itself as a stable, proactive, and policy-driven legislative institution. Through a combination of legislative initiatives, institutional reforms, parliamentary diplomacy, and engagement with critical national issues, the Senate has played a visible role in shaping the country’s governance landscape. While critics have raised concerns on certain matters—an inevitable feature of democratic leadership—the overall record presents a legislature that has remained active, cohesive, and focused on its constitutional responsibilities during a period of significant national transition.
The foremost responsibility of any legislature is lawmaking, and in this regard, the 10th Senate has maintained an ambitious legislative agenda. Hundreds of bills have been introduced and processed, many of them directly targeting Nigeria’s pressing economic, fiscal, and governance challenges. According to Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, in a midterm scorecard released in June 2025, the upper chamber introduced 983 bills and passed 108 into law between June 2023 and June 2025. This included 83 bills passed in the 2024/2025 legislative year alone, compared to 25 bills in the 9th Senate in the same period. Official legislative records also indicate a significant rise in legislative activity compared to previous assemblies, suggesting that the 10th Senate has been notably active by legislative output metrics.
More significant than the volume of legislation, however, has been the Senate’s focus on measures with far-reaching national implications. The emphasis has not been on legislative activity for its own sake, but on advancing reforms designed to address some of Nigeria’s most pressing economic and governance challenges. The Senate has prioritised reforms aimed at stimulating economic growth, improving public finance management, strengthening institutions, and expanding social protection.
One of the defining legislative undertakings of the 10th Senate has been its commitment to tax reform and fiscal modernization. Nigeria’s tax system has long been criticised for fragmentation, multiple taxation, weak compliance, and excessive dependence on oil revenue. Under Akpabio’s leadership, the Senate pursued reforms aimed at simplifying tax administration, broadening the tax base, promoting digital compliance, and providing greater relief for small businesses and low-income earners. In May 2025, the Senate passed four major tax reform bills which, according to the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms and now Minister of Finance, Taiwo Oyedele, could increase Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio from about 10 per cent in 2023 to approximately 18 per cent by the end of 2027.
These reforms are significant because Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains among the lowest in Africa, limiting government revenue and public investment capacity. By supporting measures aimed at modernising tax collection and reducing leakages, the Senate sought to create a more sustainable fiscal framework capable of supporting infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social services.
Beyond fiscal reforms, the Senate has devoted significant legislative attention to education, regional development, agriculture, energy, and the digital economy. Bills relating to tertiary education, regional development etc commissions, agricultural growth, and public sector modernization have featured prominently on its agenda. Notable examples include the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024, which reportedly facilitated over one million applications through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund, and the Electricity Act (Amendment) 2023, which expanded the role of states and private investors in electricity generation and distribution.
To strengthen the country’s electoral process, the Senate also pursued amendments to the Electoral Act aimed at improving internal party democracy and clarifying procedures around party primaries and consensus candidacies. Supporters of the reforms argue that clearer legal definitions and procedural safeguards could help reduce arbitrary candidate selection and strengthen transparency within political parties. Senate Leader Bamidele has also indicated that additional reforms, including possible provisions for diaspora voting and early voting for security personnel, remain priorities for the remaining legislative period.
Beyond lawmaking, one of the less visible but significant developments of the 10th Senate has been institutional stability. Historically, Nigeria’s upper legislative chamber has often been characterised by prolonged leadership disputes, partisan confrontations, and disruptions capable of slowing governance processes. Under Akpabio’s leadership, however, the Senate has largely maintained operational cohesion and stability.
Plenary debates have generally remained issue-focused rather than personality-driven, while contentious national matters have often been managed through consultation and negotiation. This atmosphere of relative stability has reduced legislative deadlocks and allowed committees to function with greater consistency.
The Senate President’s leadership style has leaned heavily toward consultation and consensus-building. In a politically diverse chamber comprising members of the APC, PDP, Labour Party, NNPP, SDP, and other minority parties, Akpabio has consistently emphasized bipartisan cooperation over rigid partisanship. Committee appointments, major motions, and sensitive legislative debates have reflected efforts to accommodate competing interests while preserving institutional cohesion.
As a result, the 10th Senate has witnessed substantial cross-party cooperation on key national issues, even though disagreements naturally remain part of democratic governance.
Another area in which the Senate has demonstrated effectiveness is budgetary coordination. For three consecutive fiscal years, the National Assembly passed the national budget before the start of the new financial year. The 2024 budget of N27.5 trillion, for instance, was approved on December 30, 2023, ahead of the fiscal cycle. The Senate also passed the 2024 and 2025 appropriations totalling N43.5 trillion, although implementation timelines for some projects were subsequently extended to facilitate completion.
This marked a departure from previous cycles characterised by delayed budget approvals and implementation uncertainty. Timely budget passage improves predictability for Ministries, Departments, and Agencies, enhances investor confidence, allows contractors to plan more effectively, and supports smoother execution of government projects. In a developing economy like Nigeria, where public expenditure plays a major role in economic activity, budget stability remains important to growth and development.
At the same time, the Senate has continued to discharge its constitutional oversight responsibilities through investigative hearings, committee reviews, and ministerial screenings. During periods of persistent fuel scarcity, the Senate leadership engaged key stakeholders in the petroleum sector, including an oversight visit to the Dangote Petroleum Refinery. Supporters contend that the intervention helped keep national attention focused on domestic refining capacity and crude supply arrangements.
Subsequent Federal Government measures, including support for naira-denominated crude transactions, were widely viewed as part of a broader effort to ease supply constraints and calm the downstream market. Today, the long fuel queues that once defined daily life have receded considerably, although deeper challenges in the energy sector remain.
On the international stage, the Senate under Akpabio has strengthened parliamentary diplomacy, carrying Nigeria’s voice into global conversations on democracy, development, security, and international cooperation. Nigeria has assumed a more visible role within the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), contributing to debates on democratic governance, collective security, climate resilience, and legislative best practices. Through these engagements, the Senate has sought not only to advance Nigeria’s interests but also to position the country as a constructive participant in addressing shared global challenges.
A notable diplomatic milestone was Nigeria’s election into the IPU Executive Committee for the first time in decades, a development widely interpreted as recognition of the country’s renewed parliamentary engagement within international legislative circles. Akpabio was also designated to serve on the Preparatory Committee for the 6th World Conference of Speakers of Parliament in 2024.
Domestically, one of the Senate’s most consequential constitutional moments came in August 2023 during the crisis in the Niger Republic following the military coup. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, acting as Chairman of ECOWAS, sought legislative backing for possible regional intervention, the Senate urged restraint and prioritized diplomatic engagement over immediate military action. Widely viewed as a demonstration of legislative independence and respect for the principle of separation of powers, the decision reaffirmed the Senate’s constitutional role in matters of security and foreign policy while underscoring a preference for dialogue, diplomacy, and regional stability at a moment of heightened tension across West Africa.
No balanced assessment of the 10th Senate can entirely overlook concerns raised by critics and observers. Questions have occasionally been raised regarding the depth of scrutiny applied during the confirmation of some executive nominees, while certain oversight investigations produced outcomes that critics considered less robust than expected.
In broader terms, the 10th Senate has combined increased legislative activity with relative political stability while attempting to align its priorities with Nigeria’s economic and governance realities. Supporters point to the passage of the National Minimum Wage Amendment Act, the Investments and Securities Act, and multiple regional development commission bills as examples of substantive legislation with potentially long-term national impact.
With one legislative year remaining before the next election cycle begins to dominate political discourse, the principal test facing the 10th Senate may ultimately be one of implementation and public confidence. If the tax reforms strengthen revenue generation, if the student loan programme continues to expand educational access without major controversy, and if the Senate further enhances oversight transparency, the chamber may secure a more enduring institutional legacy. Conversely, if concerns about public perception and executive accommodation persist, critics may continue to question whether legislative productivity has translated into sufficient institutional independence. It is worth noting, however, that history suggests the most successful periods of national development have often occurred not during eras of executive-legislative confrontation, but when both arms of government cooperated effectively while remaining faithful to their distinct constitutional responsibilities.
If the reforms advanced by the Senate continue to produce measurable national impact, and if the institution successfully addresses concerns relating to oversight and accountability, history may ultimately remember the 10th Senate not merely as a productive legislature, but as one that contributed to stabilising governance and repositioning democratic institutions during a consequential period in Nigeria’s development.
* Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr is a former member and Spokesperson in the House of Representatives and currently, the Special Adviser on Media/ Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the 10th Senate.
For those believing that President Bola Tinubu’s exclusion of Humphrey Nwosu, the late Chairman of the defunct National Electoral Commission (NEC), was an error that would be corrected subsequently, their expectation came to naught on Friday, with his non-recognition once again.
In a surprise outing, the President failed once again to name the late Professor of Political Science as one of the Nigerians honoured, on the day Nigerians would be celebrating this year’s anniversary of June 12, designed to mark the historic 1993 presidential election, which has now been designated as Nigeria’s Democracy Day.
It was a day Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola (MKO), the candidate of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), was elected President in a transition programme undertaken by the military government of then President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB).
Expectations are that because the Option A4 model used in achieving the outcome of the election, acknowledged as the freest and fairest election in Nigerian history, the late electoral commission’s boss, would feature prominently in the list of those to be honoured by the government.
But another list contained in the national broadcast by the President, suggested that the position of the treatment meted to the former NEC Chairman, reflected the thinking in the All Progressives Congress (APC), as the late President Muhammadu Buhari, Tinubu’s predecessor, under whom June 12 was given national recognition.
The list, populated mainly by names from the South West, which included both civilians and military personnel, did not capture the category of national honours to be bestowed on the recipients, as the government said further information would be released in due course.
Prominent among those recognized, was Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, a General and former Chief of Army Staff, Supreme Headquarters between 1976 and 1979, under the military regime of Olusegun Obasanjo, who died in Abakaliki Prison in 1997, where he was detained for allegedly participation in carrying out a coup against Sani Abacha, then Head of State.
Tinubu, said the completed Institute of Petroleum Studies, Kaduna, would now be known as General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua University of Geological Sciences and Engineering Technology, to honour the General, who later became a prominent figure in Nigerian politics, “for his vision of national partnership.”
Listing the other names, Tinubu said: “I am also pleased to announce national awards to the following Nigerians, who suffered persecution, endured indignities, exile, incarceration, and, at times, solitary confinement, so that we have democracy today.”
The recipients included: Ayoka Lawani, Tunde Fagbenle, Oladele Alake, Olatunji Bello, Louis Odion, Segun Babatope, Sam Omatseye, Ademola Osinubi, Bola Bolawole and the duo of Lade Bonuola, former Managing Director of The Guardian and Femi Kusa, former Editor of the Nigerian foremost newspaper.
Others, were: Debo Adeniran, Ayo Opadokun, Chief Ralph Obiora, Ose Osayande, Osa Director, Sylvester Odion-Akhaine, Arthur Nwankwo (Posthumous) and Osagie Obayuwana, all pro-democracy activists.
The list also included Joe Okei-Odumakin , Titus Mann, Joe Igbokwe, Richard Akinnola, Ben Charles-Obi (Posthumous), George Mbah Niran Malaolu, Ishola Williams, a retired Major-General, Femi Aborisade, Jenkins Alumona, Gbemiga Ogunleye, Muyiwa Adekeye, Babajide Kolade-Otitoju and Ike Okonta.
“We also recognise the soldier-democrats of the June 12 struggle: Major General MA Garba, Brigadier General Lawal Jaafaru Isa, Col Umar Farouk Ahmed; Col Sambo Dasuki;
Col Lawan Gwadabe; Brigadier Jonathan Ndam Temlong, Col Musa Shehu; Major General Chris Eze; Major General Harris Dzarma; Col Isa Jibrin; Maj. General Joseph Oshanupin; Col Olusegun Oloruntoba, Olugbede of Gbede Kingdom), Lieutenant Colonel Happy Kefas Bulus, Col J Okai;
Col Emmanuel Ndubueze; Lt Col Yakubu Muazu and Brigadier Yahaya Abubakar, the Current Etsu Nupe, who is already the holder of the CFR title.”
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